136. I take this opportunity, on behalf of my Government and my
delegation, of congratulating the President on her election
to the Presidency of the General Assembly at this session,
and to wish her great success in guiding its deliberations. We
are confident that the experience she has gained in the
service of her own country and the sense of duty and
selflessness manifested in her record of performance will
bring the needed leadership to this Assemmbly, and enable it
to accomplish the difficult tasks it has before it.
137. Let me say that the entire family of African people is
proud of the recognition given to one of its most respected
and beloved daughters by her election to the Presidency of
this General Assembly. The whole continent shares with her
country, Liberia, 2 feeling of pride and happiness that one
of its citizens has been honoured by the international
community, and given the heavy responsibility of her
present position, We are confident that her sense of justice
and fair dealing will be evident throughout the work of this
Assembly, and that the reputation of Africa will be further
enhanced by her activities here.
138. I also take this opportunity of expressing our
profound sorrow at the untimely death of her predecessor,
the late and distinguished Foreign Minister of Guatemala,
Mr. Emilio Arenales, whose patience, wisdom and tolerance
won the admiration and respect of this Assembly at its
twenty-third session. His tireless efforts to make that
session a success were appreciated by all, and its
accomplishments up to the time of his death were, in no small
measure, a result of his dedication and the inspiration we all
drew from his many qualities. My delegation asks the
delegation of the Republic of Guatemala to accept our
most sincere condolences on the loss of that great man, and
to transmit them to the family, the Government and the
people of Guatemala.
139. It is inevitable that during the general debate each
Member State speaks first on those problems which engage
its efforts and resources day by day, and which directly
affect the well-being of its people. For us in Tanzania, and
for the members of the Organization of African Unity, the
continued presence in Africa of colonialism, exploitation
and racism is the most pressing international problem. The
consequences of those evil systems have not only brought
untold misery and death to. our brothers in neighbouring
territories, but have also caused our Governments and
peoples grave anxiety by threatening our own safety and
the integrity of our countries. For that reason, our primary
duty at this session of the General Assembly is to focus
attention on the explosive situation brought about by a
continuation of racism and colonialism on our continent.
140. For long periods of recent history, Africa has been
exploited and its people humiliated. Even today, in the
fatter half of the twentieth century, large numbers of
African people are still-deliberately and brutally denied that
human equality and those human rights which have been
proclaimed by the United Nations. Our people in Mozambique,
in Angola, in Guinea (Bissau), in so-called French
Somaliland, and in the Comoro Islands, are still suffering
under colonialism—often in its most brutal forms. And the
peoples of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe are still
struggling under ruthless economic exploitation and vicious
racism.
141. Independent Africa has a duty to ask: “How long
must this go on?” Tanzania, and all those countries and
peoples who share our opposition to tyranny, slavery and
the abuse of human dignity, are asking now: “How long
will this situation be tolerated? How long will the United
Nations allow this to be camouflaged by clouds of legality
and myth?” This Assembly, embodying as it does nations’
highest aspirations for peace, justice and human dignity,
should be ashamed to convene year after year and allow the
perpetrators of those crimes to sit as honoured Members of
the United Nations. For it is a big and dangerous illusion to
imagine that colonialism, exploitation and racism are far
away and do not endanger international peace and security.
Peace and justice are indivisible. While they do not exist in
Africa, they do not exist in the world.
142. Portugal and South Africa have refused to accept the
principles of human equality and self-determination. Those
administrations have denied the ideals on which the United
Nations was founded, and which all Members are supposed
to accept. It is not that they are inefficient or incompetent
in implementing the principles of the United Nations; they
proudly declare their opposition to those principles, even
while they continue to claim their seats in this Assembly.
143. It has been pointed out that States which are not
directly. affected by those inhuman and unjust systems will
be involved in the African struggle only in so far as they are
really committed to the principles embodied in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights and in the Charter of the
United Nations. It is to the extent that Member States of
the United Nations are committed to the ideals of this
Organization that they will decide to act in support of
them.
144. Up to now it has been easy to gauge the extent of
that commitment. The divergence between the pronouncements
which are made here and elsewhere, and the lack of
that concerted action needed to put an end to those
oppressive systems, is too evident to need comment. As
actions speak so much louder than words, so we must judge
a nation’s commitment by what it does — or does not — do.
No one should expect Africa to be fooled by phrases now.
The United Nations itself can surely no longer excuse those
who, in words, commiserate with the misery now being
experienced by the peoples of southern Africa, and at the
same time strengthen the oppressors with economic and
even military support.
145. Neither Portuguese fascism nor the brutal suppression
and exploitation of the African people by South Africa
and Rhodesia could alone have checked the African march
to freedom. Had they been forced to rely solely on their
own strength, those States would have been forced to heed
the cry for freedom, justice and progress among the African
people. But those oppressors are not alone; they are
strengthened. by many of the same States whose representatives
come to this rostrum and express their detestation
of apartheid and their devotion to the principles of national
self-determination. For how could a State as poor and
decadent as Portugal fight three vicious wars, thousands of
miles away, in territories unfamiliar and hostile to its
hordes. It could not do so if it were acting without support.
But its soldiers use the most modern weapons and
aeroplanes, such as the Fiat 91, the B-26 and the P2V to
bomb and strafe the African peoples. Those weapons are
not manufactured in Portugal. It is also relevant that
Portugal is able to send hundreds of thousands of men to
fight its colonial wars without having to worry about its
own defence because of the fact that some of its allies
station their troops in Portugal itself.
146. Portugal could never manage to maintain its hold
over the Territories of Mozambique, Angola and Guinea
(Bissau) without massive support from the members of
NATO, a fact well known to every inquiring Member of this
Assembly. Portugal could not survive for one year without
loans and capital injections into its economy from the
Western imperialist countries, The explanation that this aid
does not go into the Portuguese war effort is an obvious
attempt at deceit. Investments in either Portugal or
Portuguese-dominated Territories have the effect — and I
believe the intention — of strengthening Portugal as a State.
They also release for the colonial wars resources which
would otherwise have to be devoted to unavoidable
domestic, administrative or economic activities. Indeed, as
has been well and pointedly said, Portuguese imperialism is
imperialism on credit.
147. South Africa and Rhodesia also maintain their
oppressive régimes because of the backing they receive from
the imperialist countries’ exploitation of Africa’s wealth.
Without the connivance of its allies, South Africa’s minority
régime would be unable to maintain the economic
prosperity it has built with the forced labour of the African
people. Rhodesia’s defiance of the British Government’s
authority is also due to that same hidden support. Britain
can hardly expect this Assembly to believe that it would be
unable to enforce its will if it desired to do so. In fact,
examples of the support the Pretoria-Salisbury-Lisbon axis
receives from Western bloc countries have been given to this
Assembly on numerous occasions, and most recently. to the
United Nations Committee on Decolonization last May
in Kinshasa, Lusaka, and Dar-es-Salaam.
148. The support given the Portuguese fascists has either
been through direct military assistance or through loans
ostensibly for the development of Portugal. Some countries
have not even hidden their moral and material support for
Portuguese colonialism. For example, following important
visits of influential people from one of those countries, the
German newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung of 25 October
1968 had this to say:
“...The Lisbon talks will deal not merely with the
future development of the mother country, but also with
the consolidation of the Portuguese presence in Africa.”
149. In fact, those visits merely confirmed what had been
done as early as 1962, when 10,000 automatic pistols were
sent to Portugal for use in the Territories of Mozambique,
Angola and Guinea (Bissau). Jet bombers, radio communication
sets, Mercedes-Benz lorries, ammunition, and
other military hardware were again sent to Portugal in 1966
to be used by its soldiers in the bloody wars against our
African peoples. The value of those weapons was in terms
of millions of dollars.
150. It is known, and it can be proved before this
Assembly, that the imperialist countries are equipping the
Portuguese army partly in return for the use of military and
so-called communication satellite tracking stations at Beja
and Alverca, and the Lajes base in the Azores Islands. The
other purpose of that equipment is to strengthen Portugal's
defence of the imperialists’ investments in the Portuguese
colonial Territories. It is unnecessary for me to explain
from where Portugal gets the P-2V, P-2V5, the Lockheed
and the North American F-84 and F-86 planes. Nor do I
have to enlarge upon the origin of other military aircraft
such as the Allouette helicopters and the Fiat 91. But all
those weapons are being used by Portugal in its colonial
wars. It is also true that the Portuguese navy is equipped
with ships and submarines from the same NATO countries.
Whom Portugal is fighting, except the freedom-fighters of
Mozambique, Angola and Guinea (Bissau), however, remains
unclear to us. Perhaps the suppliers of Portugal
would care to enlighten this Assembly about that unknown
enemy, because of whom they are prepared to finance and
supply fascist Portugal’s war against the African people.
151. It is also true that support of Portugal’s wars is an
indirect result of the involvement of Western countries in
the trade and economy of South Africa. The most recent
examples of the role of international monopolies in the
struggle for southern Africa are in connexion with the
Cabora Bassa hydro-electric dam in Mozambique, and the
River Cunene project in Angola. These two projects will
have far-reaching effects on the southern part of Africa.
They will greatly strengthen the doctrine of apartheid and
the economic exploitation of the African peoples in the
entire region. Indeed, a writer for Le Monde of Paris said of
the Cabora Basa dam project: “It could be ...a trump card
in the achievement of a South African Common Market“,
and also that it “...could become the axis along which
European settlement in southern Africa may be regrouped
and consolidated. We may thus be witnessing the crystallization
of an economic network, both very powerful and
potentially very profitable, capable of giving the rulers of
South Africa the practical and financial means of riveting
their dominant influence, and perhaps their racist policies
upon a whole range of African peoples far to the north of
South Africa.”
152. Thus a complex connexion is discernible between the
sufferings of the African people and the firms, companies,
banks and individual capitalists from the Western imperialist
countries — all backed by the Governments of those nations.
American, British, Belgian, South African, and Japanese
companies have been awarded rights to extract minerals
from Angola and Namibia, so that the struggle of the
African people in those countries has inevitably turned into
a struggle against all the forces of exploitation in southern
Africa. This sudden onslaught of imperialism in that region
was facilitated by the realization of Portugal that alone it
could not be effective in holding down the struggle of the
people; it therefore had to involve the other Powers
through Decree No. 46,312 of 28 April 1965, which
opened the door for penetration by the big Western
monopolies into Portugal and its territories.
153. The Western countries also continue to provide the
racist Government of South Africa with the economic
support it needs. Exploitation and oppression within that
country have been given the necessary facilities for extending
their tentacles into Namibia, Angola and Mozambique.
It is also obvious, and well known, that Rhodesia's
illegal régime is confidently able to execute its diabolical
policies because of that same international support; for
while Rhodesia has South Africa behind it, it has the
support of all Western countries, and United Nations
resolutions have no concrete effect on the status quo.
154. One particular example of international involvement
in southern Africa is the financial.and contracting institutions
involved in building the Cabora Bassa Dam. The three
largest consortia of firms which tendered bids for the first
contract were: the Cabora Bassa Construction Consortium,
which is an Anglo-Swiss group based in London; the
Cabora Bassa Builders, which is a Franco-American group,
including Swiss, South African and Portuguese firms; and
ZAMCO, which actually won the contract.
155. This company, ZAMCO, which is to be a Portuguese
company, was organized by the Anglo-American Corporation
of South Africa, and constitutes twelve groups of
companies from West Germany, France, South Africa, and
some other countries. No wonder O Seculo could state, as it
did on 1 July 1968, that:
“...from the simple fact that three important international
groups have been assembled to compete in the
Cahorabassa project, the major conclusion can be drawn
that Portugal enjoys unusual credit overseas”.
156. The list of companies from the imperialist countries
which are involved in the exploitation of the economic
wealth in southern Africa is, in fact, so long that it is
impossible to expose them all. From 1967 alone, a number
of American, Japanese, British, South African and West
German companies have entered into partnerships for the
joint exploitation of the wealth in the Territories held and
controlled by the Portuguese fascists. Some of the most
important contracts include the exploitation of the Uige
copper deposits of the Nippon Mining Company of Japan;
small processing factories in Luanda, in Angola, with the
financial and technical assistance of big international
monopolies such as Nestlés, of Switzerland, Coca Cola of
the United States, and Hitachi of Japan; the $64 million
agreement between South Africa and Portugal for the
construction of dams on the River Cunene; the agreement
between Angola and Texaco, on the one hand, and
Petrangol, on the other, for the exploitation of the Zaire
Petroleum deposits; and the granting of $22 million by two
German aid United States banks — one of which was the
Bankers Trust Company — to the Lobito Mining Company.
This list is not exhaustive, but it does indicate the kind and
degree of involvement by countries which assure this
General Assembly of their sympathy for the people of
Africa and of their desire to see freedom and justice in our
continent.
157. The same forces are in operation in Rhodesia.
Smith’s rebellion and defiance of world public opinion has
been possible because the British Government has refused
to take the measures necessary to topple that régime. The
story of sanctions is well known to this Assembly. The
countries which have disregarded the numerous resolutions
of the United Nations are known; they are the same ones
that have never hidden their trade with, and practical
support for, the fascist régimes in southern Africa. We all
know this to be true. The report of the Security Council’s
Committee, established in pursuance of resolution
253 (1968) of 29 May 1968 shows for how long — up to the
middle of 1968 — West Germany, Portugal, Switzerland, the
United States, Belgium, France, Italy and the Netherlands
have sneered at the United Nations.
158. Tanzania cannot be silent on this matter. We cannot
watch all this double-dealing, with the British Government
saying that sanctions will eventually “bite” while it is itself
at the same time a trading partner of Rhodesia through
South Africa. Tanzania will continue to call for drastic
measures, including the use of force, to oust the settler
régime; and it pledges itself to support the struggle to
recapture their independence that is being carried on in that
country by the African people. Let it be said now that the
consequences of the system now existing in Rhodesia will
be blamed on none other than the British Government.
That Government has had the legal duty and the ability to
stop: the minority rebellion; it has chosen instead to
comfort and aid the rebel leaders in practice, while in words
it pretends sympathy with the African majority.
159. On 12 August of this year the Security Council
adopted one of its many resolutions [269 (1969)] on the
subject of Namibia. Among other things, this resolution
called on all States to “refrain from all dealings with the
Government of South Africa purporting to act on behalf of
the territory of Namibia”. Unfortunately several members
of the Security-Council. abstained from voting on this
resolution, thus giving notice that they intended to ignore
it. That so mild a resolution should have failed to receive
unanimous support is indicative, of the real policies of the
abstaining countries. The fate of the people of Namibia, as
indeed that of the people of the other territories, under
colonial domination does not touch them at all: They will
oppose any measures which might have any effect of
reducing the value, or the monetary return, of imperialist
and exploitative investments in South Africa. It is easy to
see, therefore, why the people in those areas are coming to
the conclusion that only by armed struggle can they
entertain any hope of liberation. It is for this same reason
that Tanzania, among other countries, must now pledge
itself to talking less and doing mote to-support the just
struggle of Namibians against exploitation and apartheid.
160. There will doubtless be explanations for increased
economic and trade relations between southern Africa and
some Member countries of the United Nations. This
Assembly will, in addition, hear proclamations of the
indignation which these countries claim to feel against the
barbaric and oppressive systems in southern Africa and the
Assembly will pass new resolutions. Then these Member
countries will forget the whole question until next year.
Meanwhile, Portugal will increase its criminal activities in
Africa; South Africa and Rhodesia will tighten their grip on
the people who are already suffocating from the present
yoke of apartheid. And the peoples’ wars for freedom will
go on, with increasing numbers of dead and more people
maimed and Burned.
161. The ideals this Assembly so cherishes must not be so
compromised. They should not be so easily bartered for
profit. But if the investment and trade policies of the
imperialistic countries continue to make a mockery of the
United Nations commitment to peace and justice, then
other nations must consider whether they should acquiesce
in this inactivity. For the issues will not be settled here. If
the United Nations cannot act in support of justice with
peace, the people themselves will act in support of justice at
the cost of peace. Let those whose commitment to the
ideals of human equality allows no compromise now join
hands with the freedom fighters, and let the absence of
peace not be blamed on the patriots. For there can be no
peace without justice.
162. Another problem on the African continent is the
continuing war between Nigeria and Biafra. Loss of life
through injury and starvation has already taken a toll
unparalleled in recent history. The United Nations has no
excuse for standing idly by. There is no excuse for ignoring
the plight of millions of Biafrans, who for two years have
defended themselves courageously in the face of almost
certain extinction. Yet many people are still calling the
Nigerian-Biafran problem purely an African one.
163. It is not true that the Nigeria-Biafra conflict is a
purely African problem. Nigeria and Biafra do not manufacture
arms. They do not manufacture planes. They do not
get these things from Africa. Nigeria and Biafra have been
getting these weapons from other Member nations of this
Assembly. A war fought on African soil in which super-Powers
from outside Africa are involved physically in the
form of their arms deliveries cannot be termed a purely
African war. But if we were to close our eyes to logic and
call the Nigerian conflict an African problem, is an African
problem not a human problem? Is a human problem not
one for the United Nations? Without such supplies the war
would never have reached the peak of suffering and
destruction that we are now witnessing.
164. Yet while this arms supply continues, it is difficult to
see any end to that conflict. The Biafran people believe that
they are fighting for their very survival. Therefore, in the
absence of any Nigerian show of willingness to end the
conflict by non-military means, the Government of Tanzania
cannot foresee a solution in the near future. The
Nigerians should make up their minds about one thing: sit
round the table with the Biafrans and convince them of
their security in a future unified Nigeria — whatever form
that unified Nigeria may take — or just conquer the Biafrans
completely — rule them against their will, and thus introduce
black colonialism and black fascism in Africa.
165. It is quite clear that a military solution to the
genuine problem which exists is out of the question. It will
not be obtained so long as those supplying arms to the two
sides continue td do so, on one or another pretext. For
certainly an abundance of arms on one side will not create a
desire for peace, nor will the lack of them on the other side
deter the people from defending themselves against what
they believe to be extermination. What will continue to
happen to-an even greater extent than now - an extent
which is already alarming — is that more Biafran women and
children will be killed, either by bullets, by bombs or by
starvation. Already over 100 children per day are dying of
hunger in these areas. The United Nations must not wait for
further increases in the death toll. Even now it has been
calculated that the number of dead in Biafra, since the war
began two years ago, has surpassed the number of victims
of the Viet-Nam war during the last 10 years. This
holocaust must be brought to an end.
166. The individual nations supplying arms, planes or
pilots for this war cannot justify continuing the supply by
arguing that if they stop, others will not do so. This war
must not be used as a stepping-stone to neo-colonial gains
in trade and economic relations with one or the other side.
It is the duty of the United Nations to intervene and to put
an end to the situation where Africans are used as pawns in
the hands of contending outside interests and where
Africans between themselves fight a war for outside Powers
by proxy. Britain and the Soviet Union especially must not
be allowed to fool the world by talk of defending the
integrity of an African nation. One is tempted to ask: since
when have Britain and the Soviet Union been genuinely
interested in the unity of an African State? That is not
their purpose and will not be the effect of their actions.
Tanzania earnestly urges the United Nations not to watch
the annihilation of millions of Biafrans while using the easy
and comfortable words: “This is an African problem which
must be solved by Africans alone.” This is not an African
problem, It is a human problem. It is a problem in which
very many nations represented in this Assembly here are
directly involved through the supply of the instruments of
mass slaughter.
167. Starvation is now the major instrument by which the
Nigerian Government expects to achieve victory. But this
would be a victory over the dead. It must not be
countenanced. Reports from the International Red Cross
authorities and other relief organizations have pointed out
the desperate situation that now exists in Biafra. In the
interests of humanity, the United Nations must discard its
legalistic inhibitions and call on the Nigerian Government
to facilitate without hindrance immediate and adequate
relief operations, Food and medicines must be sent to the
helpless victims of this war.
168. While the immediate question of relief supplies is
being dealt with, new efforts must also be made to achieve
peace in this area. To this end, Tanzania strongly urges both
parties to accept a cease-fire and to open immediate and
unconditional peace talks. The good offices of the Organization
of African Unity, comprising the family of African
States, can then facilitate the search for a long-lasting and
permanent settlement of the agonizing situation. If such
talks were supported by the goodwill and real interest in
peace of parties now involved in arms delivery to both
sides, a solution could be found which would meet the
demands and wishes of both sides. But the progress towards
peace must start now. Let this Assembly go down in history
as the one which initiated peace in that area. We believe this
can be done, if all Members of this gathering think in terms
of people rather than in terms of legalities.
169. Before I conclude the survey of those African
problems which are the day-to-day preoccupation of my
Government, may I now turn to the situation in the Middle
East? A little over two years have now passed since the
June war of 1967. During that period the world as a whole,
and the United Nations in particular, must have seen the
danger which results from the continued occupation by
Israel of Arab territories occupied in that war. The uneasy
peace in that area has been getting closer and closer to
another conflagration - and one which will almost certainly
be greater and more disastrous than that of 1967. Yet
Israel, in spite of the Security Council’s November 1967
resolution [242 (1967)], has not only maintained its
occupation of Arab areas, but has also acted to strengthen
its hold on them, Israel has ignored the United Nations, and
also the appeals of nations, like my own, which support its
right to exist in peace and security within its own borders.
Its leaders have said openly that there is no question of its
returning to the boundaries which existed on 4 June 1967.
170. This intransigent attitude and the incessant violations
of the cease-fire agreement by bomb and commando
attacks must be deplored. The Israeli authorities must be
seriously discouraged by this Assembly from intensifying
their aggression. Tanzania has made its position very clear
on this issue. The United Nations must not be flouted; its
peace force must not be subjected to injury and death. The
November 1967 resolution must be respected by both sides,
and the search for a permanent peace must go on. Only
when the Arab peoples are relieved of this humiliating
occupation of their territory, and the conquerors are
deprived of their ill-gotten gains, can there be hope of any
lasting peace in the Middle East, in which the needs of
Israel can be accommodated by peaceful means. First,
therefore, Israel must stop its expansionist designs and
return the Arab territories it presently controls. Only then
can it be expected that its own right to sovereignty, and to
peace and security — rights which Tanzania has consistently
supported — will be respected by the Arab States.
171. In the rest of the world a number of conflicts exist in
which the powerful nations are exercising their might in
violations of the fundamental rights of all peoples to
independence and human dignity. Just as we in Africa
experience colossal and outmoded systems of oppression,
so the Asian continent daily sees the effects of that
delirium of power which has, throughout history, characterized
the behaviour of powerful nations. In Viet-Nam, in
particular, United States imperialism has continued to
commit wanton crimes against the innocent Viet-Namese
people.
172. It has now been over one year since the Paris peace
talks began. Unfortunately, the talks do not appear to have
made much progress, if any. In fact, it has become more
and more evident that they are not likely to result in a
peaceful settlement of the war. President Nixon’s withdrawal
of 25,000 American soldiers from Viet-Nam was
welcome, but it has not had, and cannot be expected to
have, a lasting impression on the situation, given the
number of American troops who remain.
173. The United States claims that it has to remain in
Viet-Nam to “honour its commitments”. But the truth is
that the United States has a commitment to the United
Nations, and that overriding commitment demands that it
respect the right of the Viet-Namese people to settle their
own problems without outside, even American, interference,
American involvement in what-is a Viet-Namese issue
is nothing else but aggression and interference.
174. Tanzania, therefore, once again calls on the United
States and its allies to withdraw all their troops. The Paris
peace talks must be made to succeed on the basis of the
1954 Geneva Agreements, under which the Viet-Namese
people can hammer out their own solution to a problem.
which is first and foremost a Viet-Namese domestic
problem - a solution which is consistent with their aspirations
for national peace, freedom and development.
175. We must in this connexion emphasize again that
there must be proper respect for the sanctity of international
treaties, particularly those concerning territorial
boundaries. There can be no wanton departure from this
principle. Similarly, the ancient and well-known principle
of international law, which states that treaty obligations
must be respected and executed, should also be emphasized
here. Treaties freely entered into by contracting States are
intended to survive and to be respected by States. This is
the standard of conduct to be expected in a well-ordered
community of nations and civilized States — assuming that
the United Nations is composed of such States.
176. Also in Asia, the United States, which has appropriated
to itself the role of international policeman,
continues to make it impossible for the Korean people to
realize their aspirations towards national unification. The
numerous aggressive acts perpetrated by .the United States
against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, and the
suppression of progressive workers, students, peasants and
intellectuals of South Korea, all illustrate the dangers which
are inherent in the exercise of United States might in the
world.
177. The United Republic of Tanzania therefore calls
upon the United States to withdraw its occupying forces
from Korea, to leave the Korean people to decide its fate,
and to honour its decision when it is made. It is our belief
that only in this way will the question of Korea be solved in
peace. Only by such actions will the United States
demonstrate that it has accepted its responsibility as a great
Power which respects the obligations of membership of this
Assembly of nations. The world has seen enough proof of
the military prowess of the United States; we have seen
enough proof of its technological advancement and financial
strength. The world is waiting to see proof that the
United States can also demonstrate to us its moral prowess.
178. While surveying the problems which have been forced
on the Asian continent, I should like to express the
disappointment of the people and Government of Tanzania
at the continued attempt to isolate the People’s Republic of
China and to prevent it from taking its proper place as a
Member of the United Nations and a permanent member of
the Security Council. We have been aware for a long time of
the pressure and blackmail that have been used by China’s
enemies to confuse and cloud the issue at the sessions of
this Assembly, We can only deplore these actions and point
out that attempts to isolate a great nation of over 800
million people are, in the long run, not only absurd but
dangerous as well.
179. The reasons advanced for the exclusion of the
People’s Republic of China from the United Nations have
been flimsy and unconvincing. Who represents the Chinese
people and which Government exercises legitimate and
actual power in that country cannot be a subject for serious
discussion. To pretend otherwise and to prevent the
People’s Republic of China from contributing to the
effectiveness of this Assembly is an absurdity. To talk
about China’s belligerent attitude is to close one’s eyes to
the truth about which countries have been involved in wars
of aggression since 1945.
180. The People’s Republic of China is the unquestionable
and only representative of the Chinese people. There is no
other. Taiwan is a colony which is used by United States
imperialism as a launching pad for aggression in the Far
East. There is no justification for the opposition to China’s
representation in the United Nations. It is Tanzania’s hope
that the futility of that attitude will be recognized in the
near future and that China will soon take its rightful place
amongst the nations here.
181. At every session of this Assembly great anxiety has
been expressed about the rate at which certain Powers are
developing and stocking their arsenals with nuclear
weapons. This anxiety still exists and is justified. We are
rightly demanding that those nuclear Powers pledge themselves
not to use, or threaten to use, nuclear weapons
against the non-nuclear States. Further, we demand that
they progressively and rapidly reduce their stockpiles of
these weapons and stop further development in this field.
Too little has been achieved so far; for, while the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution
2373 (XXII)] demands that non-nuclear States undertake
not to develop nuclear weapons, the nuclear Powers
themselves have not renounced the use of these weapons.
The implications are very clear. One can only conclude that
nuclear blackmail is the next phase of neo-colonialism. In
the light of the lessons abundant in history, it is clear that
the possession of nuclear weapons by only a few States can
neither inspire confidence in world peace nor bring hope
for future justice.
182. South Africa, which has been condemned by all
peace-loving people of the world, has time and again
boasted that it will soon be able to include nuclear weapons
in its armoury. These statements were not made without a
purpose. They are aimed at terrorizing those who have
committed themselves to opposing the inhuman policies of
apartheid and exploitation in southern Africa. With the
help of a number of countries, notably West Germany,
South Africa is preparing to become a base for future
nuclear aggression against the rest of Africa. How can we
trust the Western Powers, for example, to guarantee the
security of our States from such aggression when they have
consistently abstained from supporting serious action de-
signed to alter the present situation in South Africa?
Indeed, how can we trust them when they go out of their
way positively to help South Africa? Yet these very
countries are the quickest to join us in condemning South
Africa.
183. If the nuclear Powers had an untainted history of
peace and non-intervention, it might have been easier for
non-nuclear States to accept the views of the nuclear
Powers on this matter if these latter had consistently shown
a concern for the universal development of peace based on
justice. But this is not so. In any case, does it make sense to
call for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons when an
existing nuclear Power is excluded from all United Nations
forums where this and other questions are debated?
184. No nation wishes to have its existence dependent
upon the decisions, the goodwill and indeed the grace of
another country. The United Republic of Tanzania has said
at all forums dealing with this question that we deplore the
development of nuclear technology for war purposes. We
support the reduction of these evil weapons which threaten
the very existence of mankind, and we support all efforts to
stop their further stockpiling. We have called for a gradual
but steady move towards general disarmament and we will
continue to do so. We hope that all States share our fears
and will join us in moving towards that objective. But these
matters cannot be left to the nuclear club alone. Only law,
strictly adhered to, can change the present situation and
cause nuclear technology to be used exclusively for the
benefit of mankind, instead of terrorizing it.
185. I cannot end my statement without commenting on
another situation which threatens peace and harmonious
relations in the present world; for, while the present centres
of conflict are alarming, in the long run the almost certain
confrontation between the rich and the poor nations
promises to be even more frightening. Whatever reasons and
theories are advanced to explain the growing gap between
the rich and the poor, it would be naive, and indeed
self-deceiving, to ignore the essential character of economic,
social and political relations between the developed and the
developing nations, International terms of trade which
adversely affect the economies of the poor nations,
investments and loans that have usually been more burdensome
than helpful, the unwillingness of the rich nations to
advance to the developing countries even the equivalent of
1 per cent of their gross national products — all these and
many other things have conspired, and not accidentally, to
keep the poor countries poor, and make them poorer, while
the rich countries become richer.
186. Tanzania’s basic position has been that there must be
established an automatic relationship between the prices of
primary products, on the one hand, and, on the other hand,
the prices and shipping costs of manufactured goods
essential for development. Problems relating to the balance
of payments and terms of trade are intimately bound up
with general development problems of developing countries:
none of these things can be considered in isolation. As
long as the exploitative gap is maintained between the
prices of our products and those of the products essential
for the transformation of our economies, the future for
international co-operation in the economic field will remain
dark. We must be honest with ourselves. The institutions
and attitudes prevailing in international economic relations
today have been built up, and are deliberately supported,
for the. benefit of those who already have wealth. Only
when the poor nations face up to this fact will they start to
tackle the real causes of their slow growth, if not economic
stagnation. Only when these facts of international economic
relations are acknowledged will the poor nations
really be able to begin to harness their own material and
human resources for the benefit of their own people.
187. The recurring tendency of the General Assembly has
been to attempt reforms of precisely the same institutions
and attitudes which have been created to serve the capitalist
interests of the developed countries. It is not surprising,
therefore, that the United Nations has not been able to
develop a solution to the problem of world poverty. The
second session of the United Nations Conference on Trade
and Development in New Delhi, at which the developing
nations attempted to reform the economic patterns responsible
for their poverty, proves our point. The developed
countries, which derive from Africa, Asia and Latin
America inestimable wealth every year, made no move of
substance from the positions they had previously taken up.
In fact, what that session of the United Nations Conference
on Trade and Development really demonstrated to those
who are willing to learn was that the developed world could
not be looked upon as party to the aspirations of the
greater segment of the world’s population.
188. In Tanzania we have realized that self-reliance,
coupled with vigorous moves to wrest the means of
production from foreign hands and to control them in the
interest of our people, is the only way by which an
effective attack on poverty can be mounted. Nevertheless,
we feel it is our duty to point out the discrepancy between
the developed nations’ proclaimed commitment to the war
on world poverty and the simultaneous exploitation by
international monopolies of the labour of our people and
the riches of our lands.
189. African Member States of the United Nations Economic
Commission for Africa, meeting in Addis Ababa to
commemorate the tenth anniversary of that Commission in
February this year, observed the distance existing between
its work and their needs. One after another, the delegations
pointed out that it was time for the Economic Commission
for Africa to stop merely making surveys of economic
development in Africa and to start taking practical steps to
bring about concrete results. Yet it was realized that the
financial and technical means available to the Economic
Commission for Africa were inadequate. Not only that, but
the terms of reference of that Commission are such that no
important impact can be made by it in Africa as a whole or
in any one country of Africa. We wonder whether the other
Commissions for Europe, Asia and Latin America, are
equally handicapped. The observations of the Joint Inspection
Unit appointed by the Secretary-General, which visited
the Economic Commission for Africa, may help to make
the Commission of more practical value to us all. Certainly
we believe that the United Nations as a whole should study
the problems facing the Economic Commission for Africa
and the other continental Commissions and that their work
and the resources they can use should be more clearly
defined.
190. The basic purpose of the United Nations is to create
and maintain international peace, but it has long been
realized that this is possible only if the United Nations is
successful in the promotion of international justice. In all
the matters I have referred to — from the situation in
southern Africa to the economic conflict between the rich
and the poor nations — justice simply does not exist, and
therefore peace is not assured.
191. Yet, year after year the members of this Assembly
gather and explain the different problems and policies of
their Governments. It sometimes seems that nothing ever
changes, and certainly the same subjects recur again and
again. But we must not give up the attempt to get world
attention focused on world problems. For we do have the
resources, and I believe the ability, to tackle the most
pressing of the challenges before us. When man can achieve
the magnificent feat of reaching the moon, man can also
reach down to the villages and the town slums. Our
problem is a question of will, not of ability. Mankind must
find that will. We, the representatives of nations, have a
responsibility in this matter. We must speak for the world’s
governments as well as for the world’s peoples. For the
United Nations is an organization of mankind; it will
succeed in its objectives in so far as it seeks to serve
mankind.
192. Tanzania is pledged to support the United Nations in
its practical actions for peace and justice. My delegation
therefore undertakes to make every effort within its power
to contribute to the success of the work of this Assembly.