130. Madam President, it gives me very special pleasure today,
on behalf of the New Zealand delegation, to offer you our warmest
congratulations on your election to the presidency of this
Assembly. We think that it is a very highly merited honour
and our best wishes go with you in a very difficult task.
May you be blessed with patience and tolerance. As
founding Members of the Organization, Liberia and New
Zealand have been privileged to co-operate for some 24
years in all United Nations activities, but particularly in
Trusteeship Council affairs. We remember this with pleasure.
131. We meet this year in the light of another great
landmark of human history: the sight of men walking on
the surface of the moon. In New Zealand this year we
celebrate the 200th anniversary of the great voyages of
discovery of that great terrestrial explorer, Captain Cook.
I should like to repeat to the United States Government, and
to all those countries engaged in the peaceful exploration of
the universe, a message of goodwill written two centuries
ago to Captain Cook on his departure for one of his voyages:
"I hope that for the advantage of the curious part of
mankind, your zeal for distant voyages will not yet cease.
I heartily wish you success in all your undertakings.”
I think that as it was appropriate 200 years ago, the
message is appropriate today.
132. The moon landing is not only an inspiration to the
human spirit. It is a stupendous miracle of scientific
progress. But unfortunately such dramatic proof of man’s
mastery of his surroundings does not automatically call into
existence a nobler and wiser world. A report by the
Secretary-General to this session of the Assembly contains a
rather telling indictment. He commented that man "being
presumably rational" would have constructed for himself
circumstances "ideally suited to his occupancy". The report
observes: "In fact, the very opposite often appears true."
133. And it is true that in any stocktaking of our world
we see warfare, violence and bloodshed on a massive scale,
in the Middle East, Africa and Asia. In other areas we see
racial hatred, religious intolerance and political oppression
afflicting vast numbers of mankind. In some of the
under-developed countries of Africa, Asia, South America
and others, poverty, hunger and despondency are still
rampant. The stockpiles of nuclear weapons mount and the
production of weapons of mass destruction grows and
spreads apace while nations still await agreement on arms
limitation or nuclear disarmament between the two super-Powers.
134. It seems that the great Powers are reluctant to
intervene in situations of actual hostilities in order to avoid
escalating the conflict; yet they and others supply arms to
the belligerents. In this dark picture the principles of the
Charter still provide us, we believe, with a lodestar.
135. For the vast and growing human family, the United
Nations and its ideals are still of primary significance. Each
year up until now we have rededicated ourselves to the
Charter’s magnanimous spirit and resolved to translate its
principles into action. In this coming anniversary year
something more is required, I suggest. I believe that there is
a serious new duty incumbent upon individual Member
States—and upon the Organization as a whole—to take
account of the increasing questioning among the peoples of
the countries we represent, not only about the effectiveness
of the United Nations machinery, but also about whether
the whole concept of San Francisco is still valid and
adequate after a quarter of a century’s operation.
136. In a world that has already seen man walking on the
moon, the time surely has arrived for a close and searching
inquiry, about whether the Charter is adequate to deal with
the problems of today. We should also look closely at the
structure of the Organization which we set up so long ago;
we should look to see if it is even adequately suited to our
new circumstances. We believe that we should consider
whether the highly formalized procedures of the General
Assembly are still appropriate. We are not satisfied with a
Security Council which is used for discussion without result
and which impairs the status of the Council itself. I believe
that we must ask ourselves what is needed to ensure that
what we describe as debates are something more than a
dialogue of the deaf.
137. We can, of course, take great pride in the work done
by the United Nations in the economic and social fields by
the specialized agencies. There are real advances in economic
aid, education and health, to name only a few of the
areas of great progress. But this was not the primary
purpose for which the United Nations was established. We
are still left with a major problem—to which the President
of the Assembly referred on Tuesday [1753rd meeting].
Advances in the fields that I have spoken of have much less
meaning if they do not take place against a background of
international peace and stability. As to these, the United
Nations does not achieve sufficient results; yet this does
remain the central aim of the Charter. Today I should like
to ask these questions because they are the kind of
questions that are being asked increasingly by people in
countries such as mine and, I am sure, in others.
138. And in asking these questions I have no thought of
wishing to return to the comfortable assemblage of States
of the immediate post-war years or the power alignments of
that time. We are now a much bigger Organization with
much greater capacities through vastly increased and diverse
membership. The future of the Organization and the
possibility of restructuring it are questions that have equal
significance in any part of the world, whether in Europe,
Asia, Africa, Latin America, the Pacific—anywhere.
139. One of these larger issues is the problem of universal
membership of our Organization. This question, important
though it is, remains unsolved. But it underlines the failure
of the Organization thus far to reach effective solutions of
many critical issues, notably those that I have mentioned
concerning peace and security. As it approaches its twenty-fifth
anniversary, the United Nations is increasingly faced
with the need to come to terms with a situation where a
quarter of the world’s population remains unrepresented in
it. The effectiveness of our Organization is impaired by a
gap of this magnitude. We are all aware of the difficulties—
I am certainly not unaware of them. It is a difficult problem
to resolve, but there must soon come a point of time when
the balance of advantage requires that this be done in spite
of the immediate and long-term difficulties.
140. The inability of the Organization to control international conflicts
is a primary source of weakness of our Organization. If, as I hope, we
could make a new stocktaking we must, I believe, seek new ways to
strengthen the peace-keeping capacity of the United Nations and make it
also a more effective policing body. Together with some few other States
New Zealand has already indicated its willingness in principle to allocate
a military unit for future participation in properly instituted
peace-keeping operations of the United Nations.
141. The most obvious and tragic example of the powerlessness of
the United Nations to keep the peace is the drifting and dangerous
Middle East conflict. There is no situation in which United Nations
involvement is closer, no situation in which the challenge to the
Organization is greater or more immediate. We believe it is imperative
that increasing efforts be made to reduce the violence and to
find a way towards a peaceful settlement of this conflict.
My Government supports wholeheartedly every effort to
establish peace and security in that region.
142. There are two aspects of the present situation in the
Middle East which give my Government special concern. We
think it would be horrifying and intolerable if the dispute
between Israel and its Arab neighbours were to spawn
calculated terror throughout the world. There is some
evidence of this. No reasonable person can accept the
hijacking of civilian airliners and the destruction of
property, with the constant threat of loss of innocent lives
of people from countries far distant from the Middle East.
We believe that this kind of activity is bound to recoil on
the heads of the organizations responsible for it. The other
aspect which New Zealand sees as being particularly
harmful would be any attempt—by either side—deliberately
to arouse or inflame religious feelings as a means of
heightening the tensions and hatreds that may exist.
143. There are two other destructive conflicts proceeding
unchecked of which the United Nations is not properly
seized. I refer to the conflict in Nigeria and the war in
Viet-Nam. As to Nigeria, my Government has regarded the
issues in this civil war as essentially matters to be settled by
the Nigerians themselves. We all hope that some real step
forward will follow from the numerous appeals that have
been made and the appeal made last week by the summit
meeting in Addis Ababa. We are very conscious of the
difficulties, but it seems to me that an effort should be
made to separate the humanitarian crisis from the political
aspects of this quite bloody conflict. The Government and
people of New Zealand have been dismayed and alarmed
over the interruption of international relief operations. We
believe that urgency should be given to the immediate
resumption of large-scale relief supplies. Through me my
Government has made recent direct representations to the
principal parties on this specific issue. We believe that the
international community has a duty to speak out on behalf
of the innocent civilian victims of the fighting.
144. Of even more immediate concern to New Zealand is
the tragic and wasteful war in Viet-Nam. At the Paris talks
the Government of the Republic of Viet-Nam and its allies
have put forward a series of proposals for bringing about a
negotiated peace. These proposals have two central
purposes: the withdrawal of all—I repeat all—non-South
Viet-Namese forces, and the holding of free elections of all
the people of South Viet-Nam. It seems to us that nothing
could be more fair and statesmanlike than President Thieu's
offer for the national liberation front to participate in free
and internationally supervised elections; and he has made it
clear that his Government would abide by the results of
such elections.
145. So far the response from the other side has been
consistently negative. They too have a central purpose and
it is equally clear: they demand the withdrawal of all allied
forces, while North Viet-Namese troops remain in South
Viet-Nam and overthrow the legitimately elected Government
of South Viet-Nam. It seems to us that these are
demands of men who seek to impose their will by force;
they reflect no genuine wish to move from confrontation to
negotiation.
146. It is a matter of great regret that the United Nations
has been able to play so small a part in relation to the
Viet-Nam war. There have been times, I believe, when
international opinion, carefully and responsibly expressed,
might have helped progress towards peace in Viet-Nam, and
I believe that that opportunity still remains. In particular
the international community needs to be reminded, I think,
of the steps that the Republic of South Viet-Nam has taken
in the cause of peace. The Government of the Republic of
South Viet-Nam is continually being urged in many
quarters of the world to make yet one more concession to
get the peace talks moving. It is an extraordinary commentary
that seldom if at all has the other side been urged to
respond in like manner. The fact remains that only when
the other side begins to address itself to the real issues and
shows an interest in serious negotiation shall we be able to
move towards an end to this tragic war.
147. My Government earnestly desires a peace settlement
which will allow the people of South Viet-Nam to decide
their own future, free from any outside interference. A
settlement is likely to bear the tests of time only if it has a
wide measure of international support, and it is here that
the United Nations may yet have a contribution to make in
sustaining whatever settlement emerges. For far too long
Viet-Nam has been the scene of conflict, and its people
have been forced to bear the privations and horrors of
subversion, terrorism, murder and war. The natural and
human resources of Viet-Nam are such that, if only war and
the threat of war can be banished, this young and vigorous
nation will before long resume its rightful place in the
community of nations. A great number of countries and
many international organizations are participating in extensive
programmes of economic and humanitarian relief in
Viet-Nam. With the restoration of peace, the needs of
reconstruction and rehabilitation in that war-ravaged country
will require even greater help from the rest of the world
if the people of Viet-Nam are to enjoy the economic
prosperity and material welfare to which they are entitled.
148. The Charter imposes on us all an obligation to
respect the rights of the individual, and, despite the uneven
progress in this field, it is possible to record a growing
awareness in the world of man’s responsibility to his fellow
men. In matters of social justice most Governments would
not today tolerate conditions or practices that were hardly
questioned half a century ago or even 25 years ago. The
United Nations and the International Labour Organisation,
whose fiftieth anniversary we celebrate this year, have made
significant contributions to that development.
149. At the same time, we must deplore the continuing
existence of situations in which the standards set by the
Carter have been ignored or cast aside. Once again this
year we witnessed the repetition of a massive denial of
human rights, and brutal police action, in an effort to
suppress the unquenchable spirit of the Czechoslovak
people. It seemed to us at our distance that socialism
carrying a truncheon was exalted. We were told in 1968
that this was a fraternal embrace. If that is so, my country
at least and, I believe, the rest of the world must seek new
definitions of friendship and brotherhood. In another area
of human rights, it is to the credit of the United Nations
that the process of decolonization is largely complete.
150. We have noted with close interest the decision of the
Security Council to establish a committee of experts which
will examine the relationship between the micro-States and
the United Nations [1506th meeting]. This subject is of
particular relevance to New Zealand, situated as it is in the
Pacific area which includes many small island territories.
New Zealand has brought two of those territories to
self-determination and self-government. Western Samoa, a
fully independent State since 1962, brought to statehood
by New Zealand, has chosen not to join the United Nations,
although it has become a member of the World Health.
Organization. In 1965 the Cook Islands chose to be fully
self-governing, in free association with New Zealand. In the
light of our experience in those two cases, we feel that new
and more flexible arrangements are needed for the very
small emerging territories. At present they are offered only
the alternatives of full United Nations membership or
virtually no relationship at all. My Government awaits with
great interest the results of the Security Council’s examination
and its recommendations on this important question.
151. The United Nations is rather ill-equipped to solve the
political crises of our day. Yet one of the notable
achievements of recent years, which gives promise of a
reduction in political tensions and of relief from the fear of
war, was the negotiation and signature of the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)].
New Zealand ratified that Treaty last week.
That action formally reaffirms a long-standing national
policy of New Zealand, renouncing any intention on our
part to acquire nuclear weapons. We hope too that some
real progress can be made towards the conclusion of a
comprehensive ban on all testing of nuclear weapons and
we call upon those countries not parties to the partial test
ban treaty to refrain from any resumption of weapon
testing in the atmosphere.
152. The past year has also seen a growing recognition by
the United Nations Members that our surroundings are
threatened by other dangers, less obvious perhaps but no
less great and sometimes even more immediate. Man. has
rather recklessly impaired his own surroundings and the
need to preserve our material heritage in an overwhelmingly
industrial and increasingly populated age is now becoming
acute.
153. My Government regards it as a development of
surpassing importance and merit that the United Nations is
devoting more and more of its attention to such practical
questions as population control, the establishment of a just
and effective régime for the exploration and exploitation of
the sea-bed, the co-ordination and objectives of activities in
outer space, the conservation of mankind’s environment
and the control of pollution, They are concerns which
transcend political boundaries, and the problems they
present must occupy the attention of all men everywhere.
154. Finally, I believe that in beginning this twenty-fourth
session we all recognize the critical importance of ensuring
that the right decisions are taken by this Assembly about
the objectives and strategy of the Second United Nations
Development Decade. This can well settle the pattern and
pace for sound economic progress throughout the world.
One of the key lessons of the First Development Decade has
been that sound economic development is a continuous
complex and long-term process. In this the willing co-operation
of ail developed and developing countries is essential.
It is correspondingly important that the goals or
targets set should be realistic.
155. The New Zealand Government has pledged itself to
work towards the target of 1 per cent of gross national
product for external aid. The success of the Second
Development Decade may depend largely on the degree to
which this Assembly measures to its responsibilities. I hope
we can succeed in proving our Secretary-General unduly
pessimistic on this point. Let us show that man, looking at
the problems of his planet as a whole, can indeed be
rational and can construct for himself circumstances
“ideally suited to his occupancy”.