1. Madam President, I wish to
congratulate you on your election to the high office of
President of the twenty-fourth session of the United
Nations General Assembly. Your great experience and
competence in the affairs of the United Nations over the
past fifteen years will enable you to guide our deliberations
with tact, skill and ability. Apart from the ties of affinity
which bind our two countries, we share a common
endeavour in building a democratic nation out of many
different communities. We acknowledge the part played by
your delegation and by you yourself, personally, in the
events which, in 1961 led to the admission of Sierra Leone
as the one-hundredth Member of the United Nations. We
assure you of the support of the Sierra Leone delegation
during your tenure of office.
2. We would like to take this opportunity also to express
our sympathy to Guatemala for the loss of Mr. Emilio
Arenales, who was President during the last General
Assembly, and who died before he was able to complete the
assignment entrusted to him by the Assembly. We all
admired the courage with which he carried out his duties
despite his failing health. We all share deeply in the loss of a
great world statesman.
3. We congratulate the Secretary-General on the introduction
to his annual report [A/7601/Add.1]. We know how
difficult the year has been for him and for his staff and yet,
in the face of all the obstacles, he was able to present us
with a report which contains some concrete achievements.
We would like, however, to underline his statement about
the precarious financial position of the Organization and to
urge all defaulting Member States to fulfil their obligations
so as to enable the United Nations to attain its objectives.
4. The achievements in space exploration of the two
super-Powers have filled all of us with admiration. We
would like to congratulate the United States of America on
its successful moon landing. In our view, the importance of
this achievement lies in its exciting challenge to all of us.
We must continue to seek positive solutions to the
problems confronting us so as to create an atmosphere
which will enhance the well-being of mankind. We must not
allow the progress in our human and national relationships
to lag behind our technological advances.
5. On the eve of the silver jubilee of our Organization, it
may be considered appropriate for us to reappraise the
success of the United Nations in achieving the ideals which
were contemplated at San Francisco. The United Nations
Organization was established, among other things, to
maintain international peace and security; to develop
friendly relations among nations, based on the principles of
equal rights and self-determination of peoples; and to foster
international co-operation in economic, social, cultural and
humanitarian fields. While we are ready to admit that the
specialized agencies of the United Nations have made
Significant successes, we are disheartened that international
stability has been disturbed by armed conflicts in various
parts of the world. The unresolved case of Viet-Nam is a
striking example of such conflicts. My Government feels
that the current peace talks in Paris, coupled with the
continuing withdrawal of the American forces from South
Viet-Nam, are genuine indications of a desire towards
peace.
6. We believe that several factors have contributed to
creating tensions in the international sphere. In this decade,
for example, although many new nations, including ourselves,
have appeared in this Assembly, yet about a third of
the world’s population remains unrepresented here. These
include a nuclear Power and other countries which have
been excluded because the ravages of war have divided
them in a way which makes it difficult for them to be
properly represented in this Assembly. We believe that it is
within the competence of this Organization to create the
means whereby two countries which were formerly one
could be admitted to membership. The structure and
procedure of the United Nations Organization are likewise
factors which create international tensions. While these.
might have been justified in the initial stages of the
Organization, we do not think that they are relevant at this
stage because they do not give due recognition of the
population, potentialities, and growing importance of the
developing nations. We would like to suggest an examination
of the power entrusted to some of the founding
Members, the exercise of which by certain States tends to
frustrate the legitimate aspirations of developing nations.
We do not ask that they should be deprived of all their
powers, but we do ask that a redistribution of these powers
should reflect a more realistic and equitable picture of our
Organization on the eve of its silver jubilee.
7. The political development of parts of the African
continent, particularly the southern area, has been far too
often subjected to the economic interests of the industrialized
Powers. It is quite evident to anyone, who has
examined the subject with any objectivity or sincerity, that
the behaviour of some of the major Powers, as far as this
question is concerned, leaves one with the impression of
hypocrisy or double dealing. Africa is one of the world’s
great reservoirs of natural resources, but paradoxically, the
Africans remain one of the world’s poorest peoples. This is
a cruelty which cries aloud for an early redress.
8. We have always condemned, and shall continue to
condemn, the obnoxious policy of apartheid and racial
discrimination wherever it is practised. Indeed, the whole
Organization is unanimous in its condemnation of apartheid.
Whilst we multiply resolutions condemning apartheid
and discrimination, vast sums of money are being transferred
from the United States, Britain, France, Western
Germany and Japan, amongst others, for purely selfish
economic reasons, to aid the development of South Africa.
What these nations have refused to admit is that these
investments not only stimulate the industrial growth of
South Africa, but also enable that country to intensify the
growth of human misery in that part of our continent. We
have listened with great interest to the contribution made
by the President of Botswana [1764th meeting], and we
are convinced that the time has come for the Government
of South Africa to call a halt to its vicious and diabolical
policy, and to embark on constructive and realistic measures
which will facilitate the peaceful coexistence of all
States in southern Africa. We also appeal to these major
Powers that now reap financial dividends from their
investments in South Africa to think of the larger human
problems. If they do this, South Africa may, very likely,
respond to our calls for moderation and change.
9. Sierra Leone believes that the causes of peace cannot be
pursued unless the causes of war are removed; that the
domination of one country by another is one of the basic
causes of conflict. Sierra Leone continues to believe that
the peoples of Zimbabwe have the inalienable right to
self-determination. The United Kingdom Government has a
responsibility, as the administering Power, to ensure that
this right is exercised without further delay. Indeed, the
United Kingdom Government has maintained that there can
be no independence for Southern Rhodesia unless the
principles of NIBMAR are fulfilled.
10. We find it most unfortunate, however, that Britain
should have absolved itself completely of this responsibility
for Southern Rhodesia, and pressed for sanctions when it
was clear to Britain that the effectiveness of sanctions
would be paralysed by Portugal and South Africa. When, as
a result of an illegal referendum, it was announced that
Southern Rhodesia would declare itself as a republic, the
British Governor abdicated his responsibility by resigning.
We would have considered Britain’s position more realistic
and more in conformity with what it has declared in the
past years if the representative of Her Majesty had remained
at his post until forced to leave by an illegal republican
regime. His resignation and the fact that he has not been
replaced by Britain seems to us to be sheer condonation of
the actions of this illegal regime. This abandonment of a
fundamental moral and legal obligation on the part of
Britain has made of Rhodesia one vast prison for the
unfortunate Africans living there, who are in the majority.
11. Although South Africa continues to be a Member of
the United Nations, yet it persists in ignoring that body’s
resolutions. Since the termination of South Africa’s mandate
over Namibia and the setting up of the United Nations
Council for Namibia, we have seen no improvement in the
attitude of the Vorster regime. Instead, it continues to
implement the Self-Government for Native Nations of
South Africa Act and the South West Africa Affairs Bill,
which give South Africa’s Parliament and its central
government very wide powers over the affairs of Namibia
and enforce in that territory the policy of apartheid and
discrimination.
12. The Portuguese Territories of Mozambique, Angola
and Guinea (Bissau), are fortified by arms provided for
them by NATO. It has been said that those arms have been
supplied for strategic reasons in Western Europe; but
Portugal has no war in Europe and all the arms are being
used solely to slaughter thousands of innocent Africans.
Again, it has been said that the treaty arrangements which
the United States of America has with Portugal regarding
the Azores and other strategic areas have forced the
American Government into a position of assisting Portugal.
Now that those treaties are being reappraised and it is clear
that the necessity for them is secondary, there can be no
reason, strategic or moral, for the continued support given
to Portugal by NATO for the further devastation and
destruction of our African populations. We should like to
congratulate our brothers in Guinea (Bissau), in particular,
who have been fighting the war of liberation with considerable
success despite the ferocity which Portugal has been
using to subdue them. The Portuguese have not been able
to stifle the spirit of resistance which lies active in the
breasts of our brothers, not only of Guinea (Bissau) but
also Mozambique and Angola. The struggle will gather
momentum with time until all Africa is free. This is the
passionate preoccupation of every true son of Africa.
13. Increasingly, the actions of the white minorities of
South Africa, Namibia, Rhodesia, Angola, Mozambique and
Guinea (Bissau) are forcing the rest of Africa to the
realization that the philosophy of non-violence, as stated
and exemplified by winners of the Nobel Prize of African
origin such as Chief Albert Luthuli and Martin Luther
King, which we should have chosen to pursue is not
practicable in the face of armed force and condonation by
nations which declare themselves democratic. More and
more, Africa is being pushed against its inner will into a
position of violence and revolution.
14. In the Middle East, the hopes of resolving the conflict
which were entertained when the Security Council resolution
[242 (1967)] of 22 November 1967 was adopted have
not been realized. Indeed, the past twelve months have
witnessed a continuing deterioration of the situation. The
Government of Sierra Leone supports the Security Council
resolution of 22 November 1967, the implementation of
which it considers should be used as a basis for the
settlement of the conflict. It is greatly regretted that the
Jarring mission was interrupted prematurely. We welcome
the resumption of talks by the great and super-Powers, but
we are of the opinion that lasting peace in the Middle East
can only be achieved if such talks involve the parties
concerned. Every effort in achieving peace talks, whether
by direct confrontation or by the Rhodes method, which
we have reason to believe will be acceptable, should be
pursued relentlessly. We should also like to recommend that
steps should. be taken by both sides to ameliorate the
condition of the Palestinian refugees, many of whom find
themselves, through the dramatic upheavals of history,
second-class citizens or refugees in the country where their
people have lived for many generations.
15. Sierra Leone cannot remain silent on the armed
conflict continuing in Nigeria — a country with which we
have many close connexions. The conflict in Nigeria has
been causing us considerable concern. We appreciate the
efforts of the Organization of African Unity Consultative
Committee to resolve the dispute, but with the serious
involvement of Great Britain and the Soviet Union, among
others, in the conflict the situation in Nigeria has become
an international problem.
16. My delegation invites the United Nations and its
specialized agencies to consider the problem of starvation
in Nigeria and Biafra as a matter of urgency, and to take
appropriate steps to ensure that relief supplies are made
available to the victims of that tragic war. The United
Nations must call for an immediate cease-fire and encourage
both parties to negotiate a settlement.
17. The silver jubilee of this Organization coincides with
the advent of the Second United Nations Development
Decade. The achievements of the First Decade have not
been spectacular because of an unwillingness on the part of
most industrialized nations to give the developing countries
a just and equitable price for their primary products. The
decisions reached at the second session of the United
Nations Conference on Trade and Development in New
Delhi proved that point.
18. The quota system as presently structured prevents
most developing nations from selling all their products in
the world market. This contributes, in no small measure, to
their inability to achieve the stipulated target growth rate.
We hope that the Second United Nations Development
Decade will see both developed and developing countries
co-operating towards the realization of that objective. In
this regard, my country notes with disappointment the
extremely high rate of interest charged by the World Bank
on loans to member countries notwithstanding the wide
profit margin on the Bank’s operations.
19. The great Powers must realize that the safety and
future of their countries and peoples depend, not on
increasing their own wealth but on increasing both the
wealth of their countries and that of developing countries.
Thus would the gap between rich and poor be narrowed — a
gap which, if it continued to expand, would inevitably end
in conflagration. We are certain that many of the problems
of this Organization can be solved if it is realized by all
concerned that nations must decide for themselves how
best and under what political philosophy they can develop,
and that the major part of their resources must go to their
own development instead of the enrichment of other nations.
20. We do not share the pessimistic view which some hold
about the future of the United Nations. Those who do hold
it are sometimes reflecting an inner pessimism and insecurity
of their own. We know that there is a great deal to
be done, but the fact that the United Nations exists and is
concerned about doing it is, to us, a great sign of its
essential and useful role. It is our hope that this year, under
your able presidency, major steps will be taken which will
put the United Nations back on a road that will bring peace
and prosperity to people of all nations and of all races.
21. As we enter the threshold of our twenty-fifth anniversary,
let us be challenged by the noble ideals of our Charter,
humbled by our successes, conscious of our many shortcomings
and resolutely dedicated to that great ideal which
has eluded us all — peace, which alone is our primary objective.