**Mr. President,**
**Ladies and Gentlemen Heads of Delegation,**
**Mr. Filimon Yang, President of the General Assembly,**
**Mr. António Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations,**
I address you from this esteemed podium at a critical moment, amid complex crises sweeping the Middle East and the world, bringing with me Egypt’s vision—deeply rooted in history and future-oriented. A vision forged through challenges and wars, and committed to peace, justice, and action as the foundation for building a region and a world that accommodates all, with freedom, dignity, and justice.
I speak on behalf of a founding state of the United Nations, whose pivotal role in building bridges, forging international consensus, and defending the interests of its Arab, African, and developing spheres is well recognised.
Egypt remains firmly committed to the importance of upholding an effective multilateral system to foster stable international relations based on respect for international law, and the promotion of peace and cooperation.
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From this standpoint, we find it imperative to sound the alarm in these current international circumstances. The international system established nearly eight decades ago now faces a structural dysfunction that threatens its endurance and effectiveness due to lack of equality and the spread of double standards.
Young people around the world are rightly questioning the effectiveness and relevance of multilateralism. Does this system provide security? Does it help combat poverty and hunger? Does it protect us from climate change? Does it prepare us to face technological advancements? Does it intervene to stop occupation, terrorism, and destruction? Does it apply transparent and unified standards in all cases?
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In light of such questions, including those raised during the preparations for the "Summit of the Future," and the positive outcomes of that summit—which we welcome as a step toward revitalising multilateralism and, at its core, the United Nations—I would like to share a specific vision to restore equality and confront double standards. This vision rests on **five key principles** to revitalise the UN system and enhance its ability to build a better future for our peoples.
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**First:**
While there is no alternative to the multilateral UN system—given the cross-border nature of today’s global challenges that surpass the capacity of any single state or group of states—the legitimacy and survival of the UN now rest on the line. Its credibility is in question.
Israel’s continued aggression against Gaza for nearly a year is a **true stain on the conscience of the international community**, which has failed to take even minimal action to stop it. It took months for the system to even begin demanding a ceasefire.
We strongly condemn Israel’s dangerous escalation, which knows no limits and is dragging the region to the brink. We unequivocally **reject Israel’s current aggression against Lebanon**, which constitutes a blatant violation of its sovereignty, unity, territorial integrity, and political independence.
**Our highest priority must now be an immediate, unconditional, and permanent end to the bloodshed**, and we must firmly reject any attempts to liquidate the Palestinian cause through **forced displacement** or **population replacement policies**.
Egypt has undertaken **intensive mediation efforts**, in coordination with our brothers in **Qatar** and with the **United States**, but Israel has **continuously thwarted** these efforts. We reiterate: **The only path to a just and comprehensive solution lies in the establishment of a unified Palestinian state** on the **4 June 1967 lines**, with **East Jerusalem as its capital**.
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We pay tribute to the courageous stances of the UN Secretary-General and other UN leaders, especially UNRWA. We extend our condolences for the UN personnel who were martyred by Israeli occupation fire while fulfilling their duties in defending international law and stopping the machinery of killing and destruction.
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**Second:**
**Equality requires genuine—not token—participation in international decision-making.** Participation is not a favour granted by some states to others. It is a fundamental requirement for ensuring the international community can effectively respond to successive global crises. It ensures shared ownership of international decisions.
**Africa and the Arab world must no longer remain without permanent representation** with full rights on the **UN Security Council**. Egypt continues to adhere to the **Ezulwini Consensus** and the **Sirte Declaration** to correct this historic injustice against our African continent.
This also requires fundamental reform of the **global financial architecture** and **international financial institutions**, including reforms to **multilateral development banks** and improved access to **concessional financing** for developing countries facing the consequences of global crises.
Egypt supports the UN Secretary-General’s call to make the **Bretton Woods institutions** more equitable and just for developing countries.
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A comprehensive approach is needed to tackle the rising challenge of **sovereign debt in the Global South**, through enhancing existing mechanisms and creating new tools for **sustainable debt management**, especially for low- and middle-income countries. This includes expanding **debt-for-development swaps**, turning the debt challenge into an opportunity for sustainable development.
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**Third:**
**Economic justice cannot be achieved without prioritising development in Africa.** Development is key to preventing conflict and sustaining peace.
Egypt, in its current role chairing the **Steering Committee of African Heads of State and Government of AUDA-NEPAD**, and in its leadership of **post-conflict reconstruction** across the continent, will work to advance development and realise the **African Union’s Agenda 2063**.
The way to transform resource disparities between countries into **comparative advantages**—and avoid widening inequalities—is by enhancing the principle of **common but differentiated responsibilities**, especially with respect to **climate change** and **governance of scarce natural resources**.
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The scale of climate commitments must be directly tied to the **volume and quality of international support**, including **finance and advanced technology**.
**National ownership of climate actions** is key to aligning domestic priorities with sustainable development and to ensure integration of environmental, economic, and social dimensions. It also ensures that a “just transition” does **not hinder the right to development** or the fight against poverty.
This was at the heart of our priorities during **COP27 in Sharm El-Sheikh**, and remains our guiding compass as we work toward effective and practical outcomes—first among them, agreement on a **Loss and Damage Fund** to support developing countries most vulnerable to climate change.
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**Fourth:**
**Shared responsibility and participation are incompatible with unilateralism**, especially in managing **shared international resources** or settling disputes about them.
This applies particularly to **transboundary watercourses** amid a worsening global water crisis—one that affects Egypt acutely.
Egypt is a populous nation living in an **arid desert environment**, relying almost entirely on the **Nile River** for its **renewable water supply**. **Cooperation with our Nile Basin neighbours** is central to Egypt’s approach to managing this shared resource, based on **international law** principles of equitable and reasonable use and **no significant harm**.
We have sought, and continue to seek, international investment in development projects consistent with international law in the Nile Basin. Despite our good faith, **Ethiopia has pursued a policy of evasion and intransigence**, aiming to impose a fait accompli by unilaterally constructing and operating the **Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam**, in violation of international law and **without regard for the lives of millions** in Egypt and Sudan.
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After **13 years of fruitless negotiations**, and continued unilateral actions by Ethiopia—blatant violations of **international law**, particularly the **2015 Declaration of Principles** and the **UN Security Council Presidential Statement of 2021**—the negotiations ended in **December 2023**.
Egypt will **closely monitor developments** related to the filling and operation of the dam, and reserves **all its Charter-guaranteed rights** to take necessary measures in **defence of its people’s interests and survival**.
**Let no one think Egypt will turn a blind eye or tolerate an existential threat** to its very existence.
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**Fifth:**
The commendable efforts of the **United Nations** to address emerging challenges such as **digital cooperation**, **cybersecurity**, and **artificial intelligence** should not distract us from the deep failure of the **collective security system**.
The UN has failed to fulfil its **foundational mission** of maintaining international peace and security.
The collective security regime—including the **disarmament** and **nuclear non-proliferation** architecture—is in disarray. Nuclear threats are no longer distant imaginings: they have been uttered directly, particularly during the Gaza war, and are mirrored in the daily conduct of nuclear states as they **modernise arsenals** and hint at nuclear use, without serious steps toward **a world free of nuclear weapons**.
We must realise the long-overdue goal of establishing a **nuclear weapons and WMD-free zone in the Middle East**, as mandated by the **1995 NPT Review Conference** resolution on the Middle East.
No region suffers more from the deterioration of the collective security system than **Africa and the Middle East**.
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It is striking and regrettable that we now see an **increase in Security Council resolutions on humanitarian operations**, even as the Council proves unable to **stop the “disease” of conflicts**, merely treating their humanitarian “symptoms”—as Secretary-General Guterres noted when he said the UN has become a “babysitter for conflicts.”
Egypt is surrounded by a turbulent conflict environment, from the **Mediterranean north to the Horn of Africa south**, and is therefore more determined to enhance the UN’s role in **addressing the root causes of conflict**—not just peacekeeping, but **peacebuilding and sustaining peace**.
This must be based on the **unity and territorial integrity of nation-states**, national ownership of solutions, and rejection of external impositions.
This is the **core of Egypt’s approach to all regional crises**—from **Libya to Syria**, from **Sudan to Somalia**: **comprehensive political processes** that reunite state institutions and prevent the power vacuum being filled by sectarian militias or exploited by regional or international powers seeking influence at the expense of the region’s states and peoples.
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Egypt stresses the need for a **comprehensive political process in Sudan**, founded on the principles of **sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity**, and safeguarding state institutions.
Egypt supports a **Libyan political solution** based on national ownership, and urges transition through simultaneous **presidential and parliamentary elections** at the earliest opportunity.
Egypt calls for **international cooperation** to implement the new African peacekeeping mission in **Somalia**, consistent with the Somali people’s vision for peace and stability. We condemn all **unilateral actions** that violate Somalia’s unity and sovereignty.
Egypt prioritises **capacity-building** in African sister countries in collaboration with the UN, through the **Cairo International Center for Conflict Resolution, Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding (CCCPA)** and the **Egyptian Agency for Partnership for Development (EAPD).**
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**Mr. President,**
Egypt is committed to working seriously with all our regional and international partners to **restore equality**, **confront double standards**, and **revive the UN system**, in line with the principles and purposes of the UN Charter.
We will continue to shoulder our humanitarian responsibilities in response to crises ravaging our regional neighbourhood. Egypt ranked **third globally in asylum requests in 2023**, and while the generous Egyptian people continue to carry much of the burden in hosting **Arab and African refugees**, there are **limits to what we can bear alone**.
The **international community must do its part** by addressing funding gaps and mobilising resources to meet the needs of **refugees from Palestine, Sudan, Syria, Yemen, and Libya**.
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Despite global economic crises and rising migration pressures, **Egypt is steadily advancing** along its **human development path**. Following our **National Dialogue**, we have prioritised **human rights**, **youth empowerment**, and **women’s inclusion**. We have also finalised our **first National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security**.
We will continue to build peace and stability in our region and the world, inspired by **an ancient civilisation**, empowered by **a promising generation of youth**, committed to the **sanctity of human life**, and upholding the **justice of the multilateral international order**.
**Thank you.**