Turkey

At the outset, I would like to congratulate my dear friend His Excellency Mr. Vuk Jeremić on his election as the President of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session. I believe that, with his able leadership, he will contribute greatly to the work of the Assembly. I want to be frank and speak the language of the peoples we all represent. Every year, we all gather here at the United Nations, the embodiment of the human quest for peace, security and international order. We exchange views on the daunting challenges that we all face and express our strong commitment to resolving them. On many matters, we speak as one, yet we often fail to act in unity. We express our commitment to the settlement of frozen conflicts, but there is still no prospect for a solution to many such conflicts. For instance, we have time and again declared our support for a two-State solution to the question of Palestine and adopted numerous resolutions to that end. However, we still hope that, one day soon, Palestine will be represented as an equal member in the Assembly. We also underline the need for a solution to the Nagorno Karabakh issue in accordance with the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan. Yet there has not been a single step towards the resolution of that problem for the past two decades. In addition, the problem of Cyprus has remained unresolved for almost half a century. Nearly a decade has passed since the United Nations settlement plan of 2004, which the entire international community endorsed. However, Turkish Cypriots continue to face isolation and an unlawful and unjust embargo as if it were a token of appreciation for their support for the United Nations-led settlement. My point speaks for itself. We cannot resolve current problems, and each year we find ourselves besieged by ever-increasing new ones. Terrorists continue to strike and take the lives of innocent people, yet we still have no effective international response to, or adequate solidarity against, the scourge of terrorism. Today, some States employ methods of State violence and brutal oppression with impunity, which costs the lives of innocent citizens whom they are obliged to protect. We firmly believe that human life is sacred and that life is the foremost blessing for any human being, whoever and wherever they are. However, millions of people live in poverty and under oppression. They are deprived of their fundamental rights and freedoms, suffering under extreme conditions that no human being should ever have to live under. To soothe our collective conscience, we constantly reiterate our pledges to help alleviate the misery of those people. However, we fall short of matching our words with deeds. We live in perpetual hope. After all, as human beings, we are the children of hope. For us, every dawn, every sunrise and every spring signifies a new beginning of hope. We yearn for peace and idealize peace. It is the essence of our nature. Humankind expects from us, the leaders of nations, to move humankind towards real peace. However, we lag far behind in meeting the expectations of our nations and of humankind. If it is not for us to provide relief and give hope to a child living in a refugee camp or in open prisons in certain parts of the world, then what is the chance that we will cultivate real peace? When a child opens his eyes to a world of extreme poverty and oppression in a refugee camp or in the streets of his neighbourhood, or when a parent leaves behind a destroyed house, orphans and widows, how can we prevent them from succumbing to despair and pessimism? If we cannot regard the rights of a person in Syria, Palestine, Somalia, Afghanistan, the Rakhine region or other places as equal to our own, how can we talk about freedom and justice? If fundamental human rights are sacrificed for the sake of power politics and become negotiable in talks among a few nations in the Security Council, how are we to achieve universal human rights and security? If we remain incapable of taking action to preserve the universal principles that the forefathers of the United Nations set out when forming this body, how can we demonstrate to people that the f lag of the United Nations represents hope for, and a safeguard of, their destiny? If the use of force is accepted as unlimited; if indiscriminate attacks and collective punishment become weapons in the hands of cruel regimes against their own citizens, as we are currently witnessing every day, day and night, in Syria; if we fail to hear and rise to join the cry of the innocent masses, wherever they are; and if we cannot force such brutal regimes to submit to justice and the rule of law, how are we to maintain international peace and security? A peaceful world, as the founders of the United Nations envisioned, cannot be established if we remain ineffective in our work against those challenges. Let us not forget: our inability to act becomes a tool in the hands of despots and destructive regimes to demolish cities, towns and villages, massacre their own citizens and make a mockery of the civilized world and the United Nations. The failure to address humanitarian crises shakes our collective conscience. Worse, however, inaction eventually emboldens oppressors and aggressive regimes and creates evil alliances that perpetuate and commit crimes against humanity. Let us make no mistake: mercy shown to an oppressor is the most merciless act towards people under oppression. If not now, when are we supposed to act in unity? If not the United Nations, who is to lead? If not us, then who will shoulder the responsibility to protect innocent civilians? Let us now imagine that we are in the shoes of those people. How can we even dream about a real future? We need a strong, efficient and credible United Nations. To that end, we must first tackle the long- outstanding issue of reforming the United Nations to make it fit for its purpose. The working methods and structures of the United Nations are not commensurate with the current realities of the world. The Security Council, with its primary responsibility to maintain international peace and security, should become more representative, functional and effective. It has to respond to the real needs of the world. That is the only way that it will remain relevant to the enormous challenges that we all face in the twenty-first century. I can freely appeal to the Assembly’s conscience, as Turkey has a solid record — be it in Afghanistan, Somalia, Syria, Yemen, Libya or Bosnia and Herzegovina or when it comes to cooperation with least developed countries, the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations and the Mediation for Peace initiative, among other examples. Allow me now to brief ly touch upon some specific issues that continue to pose formidable challenges for the international community. Let me start by underlining that the recent attacks against Islam and the Prophet Muhammad — peace be upon him — and Islam are outright provocations. They aim to pit nations and peoples against each other. We deplore in the strongest terms the malicious attempts to denigrate the most sacred values of Islam or any other faith. We condemn any type of incitement to hatred and religious discrimination against Muslims and people of other faiths. Unfortunately, Islamophobia has become a new form of racism. It can no longer be tolerated under the guise of freedom of expression. Freedom does not mean anarchy. It means responsibility. The purpose of Islamophobia is clear and simple. It aims to create an abstract and imaginary enemy out of the millions of peace-loving Muslims all over the world. Regretfully, accepting generalities, stereotypes and prejudice as truth, many people unknowingly become Islamophobic. However, no agenda, no provocation, no attack and no incitement to hatred can darken the bright face of Islam. At the same time, we condemn all the provocations and violence that have led to the loss of lives in many countries, including the death of the United States Ambassador in Libya. I express our sincere condolences for all who have lost their lives. Violence against innocent people cannot be justified under any pretext. Any such activity, no matter whom it is carried out by or for what purpose, is a betrayal against the soul, spirit and letter of Islam. However, the recent events are testament to a more serious problem that should concern not just Muslims, but the adherents of all faiths and religions. The alarming increase in the number of acts that defame religions, and thereby people who adhere to them, now have serious implications for international peace and security. The time has therefore come to establish the denigration of any religion and its followers as a hate crime. We have to take swift measures. We cannot, and we shall not, leave our future vulnerable to the reckless provocations of all sorts of extremists. We need to craft a universal policy and a legal instrument that, while protecting free expression, also ensure respect for religion and prevent intentional insults against anyone’s faith. The solution should not be arbitrary. It has to focus on those who defame a faith with the intention of inciting discrimination, hostility or violence. We have to find a balance between protecting the rights of an individual or group to free expression and protecting the right of another individual or group not to become the target of hatred or of emotional, incited or psychological violence. Therefore, from this rostrum, I would like to make a strong appeal to the members of the international community to set up all the necessary instruments to combat all hate crimes, including the denigration of religions and defamation of their followers. The United Nations must lead that effort and should provide the international legal framework to that end. We are resolved to actively pursue this objective and to work diligently with like-minded nations and international organizations to ensure that we take a united and effective stance against Islamophobia and all forms of hate. Moreover, we are well aware of the need to ensure the safety, security and protection of diplomats. In the past four decade, the Turkish nation has lost 33 diplomats to terrorist acts by the Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia. We encourage the United Nations to focus on a new understanding of, and international instrument for, the protection of diplomats. As a mockery of the values we all share, the people of Syria have continued to suffer under the brutality and tyranny of the regime in Damascus for the past 18 months. The numbers speak volumes. More than 30,000 people have been killed so far, approximately 300,000 Syrian refugees have f led to neighboring countries, including Turkey, and more than 1 million people are internally displaced. Unfortunately, this humanitarian tragedy has become just a statistic for many. What has the international community done to stop this carnage? Literally nothing. We have yet to see a single effective action to save innocent lives. It is a great disgrace to witness that today, after 20 years, the ghosts of Srebrenica and Halabja continue to haunt us, this time in the cities of Syria. One can argue about the reasons for the failure of the Security Council to stop the violence of the Syrian regime. However, there can be no legitimate explanation for the failure of the Security Council to reflect the collective conscience of the international community. It has to uphold its primary responsibility to maintain international peace and security. It is the inability of the Council to act that continues to encourage the Syrian regime to kill ever more people. If the Security Council does not follow the conscience of the international community, as reflected by the resolutions adopted by a more than two-thirds majority of the General Assembly, who will respond to the cries of the Syrian people? For how long will we, the international community, allow this humanitarian tragedy to continue? The responsibility to protect the people of Syria is our fundamental duty. No political differences, no balance of power politics and no geopolitical considerations should prevail over our conscience and our concern for the destiny of the Syrian people. More important, the situation in Syria has evolved into a real threat to regional peace and security. The Syrian regime deploys every possible instrument to turn the legitimate struggle of the Syrian people into a sectarian war, which will engulf the entire region in flames. Unfortunately, the longer the regime is allowed to wage its campaign of violence, the harder it will be to prevent such a dreadful eventuality. It is high time that the Security Council take action, as the Assembly called for. There has to be a solution to ensure the immediate safety and security of the Syrian people. There has to be a solution for a sound transition process that paves the way for the creation of a new and democratic Syria. The regime in power has to step down and allow an interim Government to lead the country to free and fair elections. The Syrian people need our united support and solidarity in their struggle for their future and their right to a legitimate and representative Government. The Turkish nation stands by its brethren, the Syrian people, in their legitimate struggle. We now care for 90,000 displaced Syrian refugees in Turkish homes. Let me underline once again that, since the beginning of the conflict, we have never hesitated, nor will we ever, hesitate to be at the side of our Syrian brothers and sisters in their most difficult hour. Another tragedy that has long been taking place before our eyes in the Middle East is that of Palestine. This is the fourth General Assembly session where we continue to stress the unacceptability and unsustainability of the situation in Gaza. However, to date, there has been no progress. As a result, in the fourth year of the unlawful blockade by Israel, the people in Gaza, children in particular, continue to live in despair, desolation and fear. Many decisions and resolutions have been adopted at the United Nations calling for the lifting of that unlawful blockade. However, Israel persists in its illegal policy to this day, thereby causing misery and anguish in Gaza. In fact, we see the same attitude by Israel in all of the occupied Palestinian territories. Despite insistent calls by the international community, it carries on with its illegal settlements in Palestine, and thus deliberately undermines the prospects of a peaceful two-State solution. Indeed, when President Mahmoud Abbas spoke in the Assembly last year (see A/66/PV. 19) and declared the right of Palestine to be recognized as an independent State, I remember seeing the whole Assembly in a standing ovation. But as of this day we have yet to see the State of Palestine as an equal member of the General Assembly, with the f lag of the independent Palestine f lying. How can we convince the Palestinian people that the international community is serious about a two-State solution when no United Nations resolutions have helped their cause for an independent State of Palestine? However, we will one day see the f lag of Palestine in the Hall. Turkey will certainly support the Palestinian people in their quest for statehood, dignity and peace. While the whole world’s attention is rightly focused on the Middle East, we should not forget that there are serious human tragedies taking place elsewhere as well. We do not have the luxury to turn a blind eye to any human suffering. As I personally witnessed during my visit in June, the people of the Rakhine region, especially the Rohingya Muslims, are in desperate need of humanitarian assistance. The democratization process under way in Myanmar provides us with a window of opportunity, as the Government has repeatedly stressed its readiness to cooperate with the international community to ease the suffering of those people. Before concluding my remarks, I wish to touch upon yet another long-standing conflict that also requires immediate practical steps towards a fair and lasting solution. I am referring to the problem of Cyprus. Unfortunately, the new round of talks started in 2008 are at a stalemate, with no end in sight, due to Greek Cypriots’ intransigence and lack of political will. Today, despite half a century’s experience and a body of United Nations work, there is still not a clear prospect for a solution. The Turkish Cypriots have so far proven their firm commitment to a negotiated solution, but remain subject to an inhumane and unlawful embargo. That is simply unfair. They should not be forced to play this game for an indefinite period without a clear perspective and timeline for a solution. The international community must not remain indifferent to what is happening in Cyprus, either. After all, the continuation of the problem creates additional risks for the stability of the region. Moreover, the unilateral exploration of oil and natural gas by the Greek Cypriots around the island further intensifies those risks. Under those circumstances, the United Nations must do more than what it is currently doing. The Security Council in particular has to facilitate a solution rather than merely sustaining the status quo. A change of mentality is essential. There should be a distinction between those who seek and aspire for a solution and those who reject it. It is no longer enough to pay lip service to a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation. It is time to act before it is too late. In conclusion, I wish to go back to what I said at the beginning of my remarks. We are at the end of the opening of yet another session of the General Assembly. We have all expressed our desire for and commitment to a more peaceful and prosperous world. However, positive change can only be realized if our actions match our words and promises. Every attempt to achieve our objective for real peace, every moment we spend to uphold rightness and justice and every effort we make for freedoms and human rights will provide greater comfort for those who struggle to have a say in their destiny. A while ago, I asked if not now, when? This year, let us make a difference and let us hope that we will not repeat the same question next September in the Assembly.