Turkey

Allow me to congratulate the President on his election to his high office, and to thank the outgoing President, His Excellency Mr. Samuel Insanally, for his wise leadership during the forty-eighth session of the General Assembly. Many had hoped that the fall of the Berlin Wall would put an end to the divisions of the world and usher in a new era of peace and harmony among nations. This has not happened. Today humanity faces a new division or fragmentation far more dramatic in essence. The world is torn between hope and despair. This is the new division we are facing. On the one hand, hope: the spirit of democracy is kept alive. The global commitment to the universal principles of respect for human rights, the rule of law and fundamental freedoms has been maintained. On the other hand, despair: the eruption of long-suppressed evil forces, such as ethnic and xenophobic nationalism, racism and tribalism, has caused new conflicts. They have emerged as new threats to international peace and security. On the darkest side, there are new instances of genocide. Slogans of racial hatred have resurfaced. Hundreds of thousands of people have been killed or wounded; hundreds of thousands of people have become refugees or displaced persons. Human dignity has been violated. On the brightest side, historic breakthroughs have been achieved in South Africa and the Middle East. The courageous stand of some eminent statesmen has been instrumental in translating the basic vision of the United Nations into reality. In this respect, our praise goes to the leaders of Palestine, Israel and South Africa for their courage and far-sightedness. Their bold steps towards peace fostered our optimism to counter the negative trends. In order to be able to plan a better future, we must take account of the achievements and the failures of the past and meet the challenges of the present. The time has come to start to contemplate realistically how to create new and workable mechanisms to respond effectively to the challenges of our times. But we first have to accept the fact that euphoria is almost always short-lived. Today we observe two contradictory trends, one towards fragmentation and conflict and the other towards globalization and cooperation. This new dialectic defines the framework within which we have to work together to find a balance between optimism and pessimism, between the integrity of the nation-State and the demands of an ever more interdependent world. This Organization was built on the ashes of the Second World War. The war’s aftermath left its imprint not only on the United Nations Charter, but also on the rules that govern its work and its structure. Hence, the crucial challenge before us today is to make the United Nations the real centre of universal solidarity, by improving its effectiveness and harmonizing its work with these new imperatives. It is in line with this reasoning that we attach the utmost importance to the process of reform and restructuring of the United Nations. In this exercise, the pivotal point should be the Security Council. The widespread demands to make that principal body more representative, more responsive, more transparent and more accountable have imposed upon us a historic task which we must fulfil. The democratization of the Security Council is a challenge of our times, one that requires an adequate response. The moral authority of this body needs to be reinforced. We have to enhance the representative weight of the Security Council by enlarging it and by establishing a fairer and more orderly system of rotation within the geographical groups. We must make sure that the Security Council is not perceived as a tool of a small group of big States that seek to impose their will and their national policy objectives on others. Indeed, the moral and legal authority of the Security Council’s decisions emanates from the fact that the Council, in accordance with Article 24 of the Charter, acts on behalf of all States Members of 23 the United Nations. Consequently, it is essential that the working methods of the Security Council be reviewed to reflect the spirit of democratization. With this understanding, my country, Turkey, has been actively participating in the deliberations of the Open-ended Working Group on the Question of Equitable Representation on and Increase in the Membership of the Security Council. We expect this Working Group to become a genuine driving force for real reform of the Security Council. Therefore, any "quick-fix" solution in which the reform may be interpreted in a rather narrow sense cannot be accepted. In the same vein, we also fully support the efforts under way to revitalize and rationalize the work of the General Assembly as the central and universal deliberative forum. The ongoing conflicts and tragedies all over the world underscore the urgency of our task of strengthening the United Nations, particularly in the field of collective security. In the past five years, United Nations peace-keeping operations have undergone considerable expansion. The nature of peace-keeping is changing. Preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, peace-enforcement, peace-building and global human security have emerged as new concepts on which further reflection is needed. As an active participant in the peace-keeping operations of the United Nations, Turkey believes that their success depends ultimately on the support and assistance received from the community of nations. This, in turn, requires the awareness of a sense of shared responsibility in addressing our common concerns. The United Nations stand-by forces, in which we have decided to participate, would play an essential role in promoting such awareness. Only when a potential aggressor clearly perceives that the international community will retaliate in a timely and effective manner might it change its behaviour. The challenges we are facing today go beyond the means and resources of a single organization. Accordingly, there is a need for a new collective security architecture of mutually-reinforcing institutions in which all elements would have a role to play. The interaction between global security and regional security requires effective cooperation and coordination among the United Nations and regional organizations. One thing is clear: only the United Nations can provide legitimacy to regional arrangements and institutions in the fields of peace-keeping and peacemaking. From Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Caucasus to Rwanda, the peoples of the world, faced with threats of racist hatred, are desperately demanding the helping hand and protection of the United Nations. Regrettably, the tragedy of Bosnia and Herzegovina has continued to be at the top of the international agenda during the past 12 months. Despite numerous Security Council and General Assembly resolutions, the international community has been able neither to put an end to the ethnic cleansing, nor to roll back the brutal aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. On the contrary, the lack of effective enforcement measures has encouraged the aggressors to proceed further with their genocidal campaign and their blatant defiance of international law. Decisive and firm action to stop the aggression is long overdue. The Washington and Vienna Agreements laid down the foundation for a just and viable peace in Bosnia. These Agreements define the framework of a federation which preserves the territorial integrity and unity of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a multicultural, multireligious and multi-ethnic State. They are also open to the participation of Bosnian Serbs. The Bosnian Government accepted the latest international peace plan proposed by the five-nation Contact Group in the spirit of peace. However, the extremist Serbs, longing for an ethnically homogeneous Greater Serbia, have insisted on their defiance of the will of the international community and have rejected the peace plan. Their rejection has demonstrated, yet again, that aggression cannot be halted on the shifting sands of promises and declarations. The five-nation Contact Group has committed itself, in case of rejection, to the tightening of sanctions on Serbia and Montenegro. We deeply regret that the Security Council, by adopting resolution 943 (1994) on 23 September 1994, moved in the opposite direction despite the efforts of the Contact Group of the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Once again, aggression has been rewarded. Genocide remains unchecked. The Bosnian people are yet again completely disappointed with the international system. Their disappointment is shared more and more by the rest of the world, especially in the Islamic countries. We have arrived at a critical juncture. The international community should stand by its commitments and should begin to act resolutely. We have to admit 24 that only diplomacy backed by sufficient force can make the extremist Serbs realize that war gives them more pain than gain. There should be no further easing of the sanctions until Serbia and Montenegro recognize all the successor States within their international borders. As winter approaches, the need to provide security, shelter and humanitarian assistance to the civilian population becomes ever more pressing. The safe areas should be extended and effectively protected by the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR). The strangulation of Sarajevo should be ended. The humanitarian corridors should remain open. As a matter of principle, the Bosnian Government must be provided with all the means necessary for self-defence, so that it may exercise its inherent right under Article 51 of the Charter. This is a moral, legal and political obligation on the part of the international community - but primarily a moral one. President Izetbegovic´, in his address at the 7th plenary meeting, on 27 September 1994, from this rostrum, announced a new formula in this respect. On the condition that certain conditions be fulfilled, he limited his just demand for the lifting of the arms embargo to the adoption of a formal decision, deferring the implementation of the decision for six months. This is a new sacrifice motivated by the international community’s inability to provide security for the victims or to recognize their basic right to self-defence. We must praise this noble gesture and support the new formula. Realization of the commitments to a just and viable peace in Bosnia - commitments that have so far remained unfulfilled - is vital for the restoration of the credibility and moral authority of the United Nations. If we fail the test of history in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the so-called "new world order" could turn into a permanent "new world disorder". We are witnessing further potential threats to the peace and stability of the Balkans. With the increasing tension between Greece and Albania there is, regrettably, a risk that yet another crisis may be created in the region. In addition, the Republic of Macedonia is suffering from an illegal economic blockade imposed by Greece. Moreover, Macedonia is still waiting to be represented at the United Nations under the name and the flag it has chosen. The Balkans can in no way stand the pressure of additional tensions. Compliance with the basic international norms - respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-intervention in internal affairs, and the need to resolve disputes by peaceful means rather than by threat or coercion - is today more than ever before a pressing need in the Balkans. My country lies at the very epicentre of the vast geography and the new geopolitics of Eurasia. Most of the conflicts which are high on the international agenda are taking place around Turkey. Fully aware of our responsibilities for the peace and stability of our region and beyond, we are trying to contain conflicts. We seek to reverse destabilizing currents. We strive to promote the rule of law and democracy on our periphery. We remain a factor for stability. We believe that regional economic cooperation is a driving force for shared prosperity and increased confidence among nations as well as the most effective way to prevent the spread of ethnic conflicts and potential hegemonic tendencies. With this awareness, we have developed new creative and cooperative regional initiatives to enhance solidarity and to consolidate the new geopolitical pluralism. We have established the Black Sea Economic Cooperation with Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, the Republic of Moldova, Romania, the Russian Federation and Ukraine. The Economic Cooperation Organization, originally founded by Turkey, Iran and Pakistan, has been enlarged to include Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Another blatant example of defiance of international law has been unfolding in the Caucasus, where Armenian forces continue to occupy one-fifth of Azerbaijani territory. More than a million Azerbaijanis have been displaced. Constant calls by the international community for the immediate, unconditional and total withdrawal of occupying forces, as stipulated in relevant Security Council resolutions, have fallen on deaf ears. This unlawful situation, created by Armenians, constitutes a serious threat not only to the stability of the region neighbouring Turkey, but also to international peace and security. As a member of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) Minsk Group since its inception, Turkey remains committed to the CSCE peace process. We firmly believe that a solution should be found through collective efforts under the authority of the CSCE. In this respect, we fully support the endeavours 25 of the Chairman of the Minsk Group to organize a multinational force to assist the parties to reach a just and lasting solution. We stand ready to contribute to these endeavours. In this context, I should like to reiterate our consistent and firm position, which we have expressed from this rostrum on many occasions: Neither in the Balkans nor in the Caucasus, nor, for that matter, anywhere else, will Turkey ever accept the acquisition of territory by force. Nor will Turkey ever allow misinformation and unashamed official propaganda - even from this rostrum - to continue to lead the international community to tolerate and perpetuate the living conditions imposed upon the Turkish people of Cyprus. Turkish Cypriots remain totally isolated in their part of the island because of innumerable restrictions that Governments and international organizations have placed on their trade, travel, cultural and sporting contacts with the rest of the world. This arbitrary embargo is maintained as a result of a relentless campaign to distort the facts relating to the history of events on the island over the last 31 years. Even a United Nations-sponsored confidence-building package, which was aimed at partially alleviating the ill effects of this embargo, was deliberately torpedoed by the short-sighted policies of the other side, and, unfortunately, prospects for a just and durable settlement have been further eroded. A realistic and viable negotiated settlement continues to be the objective of the Turkish Cypriot side. We support this, and we believe that the only way towards a comprehensive solution of the question of Cyprus lies in removing the obstacles to the confidence-building measures. As a neighbouring country, Turkey follows very closely developments in Georgia. We look forward to the restoration of peaceful conditions in that friendly country and stand prepared to participate in the concerted international action within the framework of the United Nations Observer Mission in Georgia. Turkey has set out on a lasting path of solidarity with the newly independent Central Asian republics, with which it has historic, cultural and linguistic ties. Turkey fully supports the efforts of those secular republics to build pluralistic societies and will assist them in integrating into the world community. I should like to underscore that Turkey’s relationship between sovereign countries is one of cooperation and solidarity; it is a relationship between sovereign countries. It is neither in competition with, nor exclusive of, other countries’ relations with them. We attach great importance to the unity and territorial integrity of Afghanistan. We had hoped that a broad-based national reconciliation process including all groups could have started. However, we have been greatly dismayed by the resumption of armed conflict. We once again call upon all the Afghan parties to put an end to the fratricidal fighting and start working for the establishment of internal peace so that the rehabilitation and reconstruction of this devastated country can begin. In the Middle East, the end of the cold war has fundamentally altered the bleak picture and opened new horizons for peace. The Israeli-Palestinian agreement and the ensuing Israeli-Jordanian agreements have opened up a new era in which enmity is giving way to reconciliation and despair to hope. The historic breakthrough in the peace process, which promises concord and cooperation between the Palestinians and Israel, and between Israel and its Arab neighbours, will undoubtedly have positive ramifications on a much wider regional and global scale. The establishment of permanent peace in the Middle East will also create the necessary conditions for harmony, economic cooperation and shared prosperity. As a country neighbouring the Middle East, Turkey has a record of constructive involvement in the region’s affairs and good traditional ties with all the parties. It is actively participating in all tracks of multilateral negotiations. It remains ready to contribute to the economic restructuring efforts of the Palestinians in Gaza and Jericho. It will take part in the temporary international presence upon the request of the parties. I should like to reaffirm our strong support for the process towards a just and lasting peace in the region. The rather optimistic prospects for the future of the Middle East need to be tempered, however, with a degree of realism, in the face of the hardship the Iraqi people have been suffering. Four years after the outbreak of the Gulf crisis they are still waiting to return to normality. We are fully aware of the fact that, in order to take its rightful place in the international community, Iraq has to comply with all the relevant Security Council resolutions. However, we cannot and should not turn a blind eye to the fact that Iraq has almost completed its compliance with the disarmament requirements under Security 26 Council resolution 687 (1991) and deserves encouragement in this respect. It should also be borne in mind that the sanctions have caused great economic problems not only for the Iraqi people but also for a number of countries, especially Iraq’s neighbours. The great economic losses of the most adversely affected countries, particularly mine - Turkey - still have to be addressed. Here, I must also underline once again our principled stand that we will remain committed to the territorial integrity and unity of Iraq, which are vital for peace and stability in the Middle East. The elimination of apartheid in South Africa closed a long and dark chapter in the history of humanity. Apart from South Africa, the picture is still gloomy in many parts of Africa. The United Nations conducts half of its peace-keeping operations in that continent and is actively involved in maintaining and building peace in Somalia, Mozambique, Angola, Liberia, Rwanda and Burundi. The efforts of the United Nations in Africa should be based on a twofold and consolidated strategy. They should be directed not only to maintaining peace, but also to accelerating sustained economic development, through which the major causes of continued armed conflicts may be defused. Indeed, the root causes of conflict require new global commitments. In full agreement with the Secretary-General, my Government subscribes to the view that it is time to balance the old commitment to territorial security with a new commitment to human security; to shift from providing security through arms to ensuring security through development. The end of the cold war has also ended the compartmentalization of major components, such as political security and social issues. It is now mostly recognized that security cannot be viewed in political and military terms alone, and that peace and prosperity are indivisible. At a time when disorder and disintegration, both at national and international levels, seem fated to increase, the concept of crisis prevention needs to be elaborated and expanded. We strongly endorse the view that peace, development and democracy are interrelated and mutually reinforcing. We all recognize the pressing need to promote a new culture of development. The United Nations new agenda for development must bring sustainable and people-centred development to the forefront. For this, a stronger role for the United Nations is needed. Democracy is the underlying imperative for human security, social integration and good governance. Indeed, during the Vienna Conference last year, the international community reiterated its commitment to the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms and to the common struggle against racism, xenophobia and intolerance. Today a pluralistic civil society, free and fair elections, and the rule of law are defined as the common goals of humanity. Dialogue between different cultures can only be achieved within the context of democracy. Violence and terrorism could not, and should not, be justified under any circumstances. In this spirit, the General Assembly in its resolution 48/122 reaffirmed the Vienna Declaration and described terrorism as an activity which aims at the destruction of human rights, fundamental freedoms and democracy, as well as threatening the territorial integrity and security of States, destabilizing legitimately constituted Governments, undermining pluralistic civil society and having adverse consequences on the economic and social development of States. We call upon the international community to stand by its commitments and to take the necessary steps to combat and eradicate terrorism. Lack of tolerance is the underlying cause of various conflicts which constitute the most important threat to international peace and security. Therefore, promotion of a culture of tolerance has a direct bearing on crisis prevention. We should inject the spirit of tolerance into the young generations. It is a pleasure for me to recall here that on Turkey’s initiative, the General Assembly last December proclaimed 1995 as the United Nations Year for Tolerance. By the terms of resolution 48/126, the entire United Nations system has been asked to contribute to its successful observance. Its celebration will contribute to the acceleration of efforts to prevent all forms of racism, discrimination, fanaticism and fundamentalism. Disarmament should also be seen within the context of preventive diplomacy. We must recognize the fact that the end of the cold war has not removed the danger of nuclear weapons. On the contrary, in some cases the danger has actually increased. Hence, another field where 27 progress is needed is the prevention of nuclear proliferation. As we prepare for the Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, which will be convened next year, the creation of a climate of confidence will be vital. Measures need to be taken now to create that climate. In the same vein, we hold the view that full compliance with existing arms control and disarmament instruments at regional and global levels is of primary importance. As the Secretary-General has rightly stated, the children’s Summit in 1990, the Earth Summit in 1992, the human rights Conference in 1993, the population Conference in September 1994, the social development Summit in March 1995 and the women’s Conference to be held in September 1995 are all linked. By 1995, in time for the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, we should reach a global consensus on the way forward to new commitments towards building a better world. To complete the agenda, we must also add to these major events the Second United Nations Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat II), which will be held in June 1996 in Istanbul. In this context, we welcome the Secretary-General’s call to declare the Habitat II Conference as the "City Summit" to increase world awareness on this subject and to commit the world’s leaders to making our cities, towns and villages healthy, safe, just and sustainable. High-level participation in this Conference will ensure its success. We will commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the Organization next year. It is the most opportune time, on the threshold of a new millennium, to take stock of what we have achieved, and where we have failed, with a sense of realism and vision. We are obliged to realize the dreams of the founders of the United Nations. We hope that our deliberations will help to generate a new impetus for positive action to this end. Member States have set their hopes on the United Nations, which reflects diversity united in a common cause. To the extent that it succeeds, we will have a better world for all peoples, and peace, security, democracy, development and prosperity will be enhanced. This requires cooperative action, which all nations should be engaged in. We have to give full scope to our imagination to keep pace with the winds of change and strive for the realization of the shared dreams of humankind. If we fail, future generations will pay dearly for our mistakes. I am convinced that after all the bitter experiences of the past, humanity has the cumulative wisdom not to make such mistakes.