Madagascar

On behalf of the delegation of Madagascar, may I congratulate you most sincerely on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-ninth session. You assumption of this important post brings pride and hope to Africa, which sees this session as a special opportunity for drawing the international community’s attention to the economic and social problems it has been facing in recent years. My delegation assures you of its full cooperation and support, which we also offer to the other members of the Bureau. To them also I address my congratulations. I also wish to pay tribute to your distinguished predecessor, Ambassador Samuel Insanally, who so ably and in so masterly a fashion presided over the Assembly at its forty- eighth session. In this new era in international relations the world faces two contradictory situations: one, unforgettable pictures of national reconciliation and faith in the future, the other, a vision of the horror of peoples and nations ripping each other apart, even to the extent of annihilating one another. The international community keeps on swinging back and forth between pride and dejection and between great hope and deep despair. The actual progress made in ways of handling and settling certain disputes nevertheless strengthens our belief in the principles and covenants set forth in the Charter of our Organization. For example, we welcome the encouraging developments in Mozambique, which is now about to hold its first multiparty elections. Similarly, the negotiations in Lusaka between the Angolan Government and UNITA are beginning to bear fruit. Moreover, the clear efforts by those involved to smooth out the difficulties of applying the settlement plan in Western Sahara give us grounds for some optimism about the outcome of that dispute. My delegation would also encourage those who are involved in the nuclear problem in the Korean peninsula to continue their talks with a view to arriving at a negotiated solution, which would help to promote stability and peace in the region. With the same end in mind, Madagascar hopes there will be a peaceful settlement, on the basis of Security Council resolutions, of the problems between Kuwait and Iraq, with a view to establishing a mutually beneficial atmosphere of security and cooperation in the region. The much-acclaimed return of a united, non-racial and democratic South Africa to the community of nations is one of the major events of the last decade of this century and a subject of enormous pride for us all. Madagascar welcomes the establishment of a non-racial regime in that great country and firmly believes that reorganizing South Africa on a democratic basis opens up new prospects for cooperation and development throughout the region. Thanks to the political courage of the Israeli, Palestinian and Jordanian leaders, the Middle East has now begun a process of historic reconciliation that seemed impossible just a short time ago. The Malagasy Government is following closely the ups and downs of the implementation of the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements in Gaza and Jericho signed by Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization and the Agreement between Israel and Jordan on the Common Agenda. The United Nations should encourage all the parties to use the relevant resolutions with a view to establishing a comprehensive and lasting peace in the Middle East region. With the disappearance of a world balance based on fear of a nuclear holocaust there came hope for a world free from the scourge of war and favourable to the strengthening of international cooperation. Unfortunately, recent events in the international arena show that the new international order is indeed precarious. 7 Today we are seeing a reappearance of armed conflict in almost all parts of the world. Several countries are now plunged in fratricidal wars resulting in human tragedy and political chaos. Underlying these tragedies we see, inter alia, intolerance, xenophobia, the problem of minorities and, above all, the absence of democratic practices in the settlement of disputes. Somalia, Liberia, Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia are tragic and dangerous situations which threaten not only the equilibrium of their regions but also international peace and security. Other situations which are too often ignored could degenerate into serious crises. The problem of borders in central and eastern Europe, the disturbing situation in the Indian subcontinent and the flow of refugees in Africa, Asia and even in Europe are all situations that show how fragile international security is. The efforts on the part of the United Nations to resolve regional and subregional disputes must be supported by greater world-wide cooperation in disarmament. In this connection my delegation attaches high priority to continuing initiatives and concerted actions by Member States to put a stop to the uncontrolled movement of arms and to the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. My delegation hopes that the consensus at the last session on multilateral negotiations on a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty will lead to the conclusion of a universal treaty so as to improve the prospects for the 1995 Conference of parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Broadening the activities of the United Nations in regard to peace-keeping and in regard to full achievement of the development goals calls for greater effectiveness in the United Nations machinery if the Organization is to live up to the expectations of the international community. As for the role of the United Nations in the maintenance and restoration of peace, recent experience clearly shows the need for reform with a view to strengthening the United Nations capacity to prevent breaches of the peace on the one hand, and on the other hand to carry out peace-keeping operations on the ground. Lessons can be learned from the difficulties encountered in Somalia, the tragedy of Rwanda, and the sorry experience of the former Yugoslavia. Those United Nations missions that were to some extent successful benefitted from the following factors: broad support from the international community; the consent of the parties to the dispute; and non-violent and impartial intervention forces. A peace-keeping operation per se should be accompanied by diplomatic efforts and economic and social assistance and should also tackle the underlying causes of the conflict. In any event, preventive diplomacy is the best means of averting the eruption of potential conflicts. The use of regional machinery for the settlement of disputes would improve the conduct of peace-keeping operations and would, for example, avoid delay in mobilizing humanitarian assistance. After all, who is better placed than the States of a region to react to a potential threat there, particularly if the region already has an adequate structure for the prevention of conflicts? Examples of this are the system of collective security in Europe and the mechanism for the prevention, management and settlement of disputes in Africa. Yet this Organization should not just unload its problems on to regional mechanisms; rather, it should offert h o s e mechanisms the necessary support by providing a clear and precise mandate and by making adequate financial and logistic resources available. Never before have circumstances been so favourable for realizing the aspiration of the majority of Members of this Organization to an enlarged Security Council that provides equitable representation. Many proposals concerning this topic are now being discussed by the General Assembly’s Open-Ended Working Group. Madagascar, which, as is demonstrated by its Constitution, is deeply committed to democratic principles, believes that the democracy that is advocated in many countries should apply in the international system too. Madagascar is open to any proposal that would not damage the effectiveness of the Security Council. At the same time, we emphasize the need for democratic representation reflecting contemporary realities. The Government of Madagascar does not underestimate the special responsibility of States that are permanent members of the Security Council, especially in the area of contributions to peace-keeping operations. However, any reform that is undertaken should win the support of all Member States so that they will have the necessary trust in it and be able to participate effectively and on an equal footing. The same principles apply to development problems, in that political stability at the national, regional and international levels determines whether development 8 objectives can be met. There can be no peace without development, as can be seen in various parts of the world where serious conflicts and political troubles have been caused by economic hardship. Against this backdrop, the imperative of the universality of peace and development forcefully tells us to take note of how the world economic situation is developing. The crisis that has affected the world economy for more than a decade is worsening, despite a slow and fragile recovery in some developed countries. This crisis continues to make a negative impact on the development process in third-world countries: erratic fluctuations in rates of exchange, an increase in interest rates and an unprecedented deterioration in the terms of trade - to mention only the most notable effects of the past year. The gap between North and South grows wider while the inequalities between the regions become increasingly striking. Poverty and extreme poverty are daily being ingrained in the countries that are now referred to as the fourth world. The situation in Africa has become alarming. The crisis there is magnified by the negative effects of natural disasters and civil and ethnic wars. Problems such as the crushing weight of external debt, stagnation, if not a reduction, in official development assistance, financial and trade restraints and a continuing drop in commodity prices are - today as yesterday - symptoms of a crisis in development. Alongside this crisis, a serious change is taking place at the cost of developing countries, particularly poor countries. In the present restructuring of the world economy the interdependence that is preached has contradictory effects. While the countries of the North enjoy protectionism in all its forms in their markets, liberalism is becoming a requirement for developing countries. Equally, there is talk of the interdependence of problems but sectoral approaches alone are still used. Economies in the industrialized countries are becoming increasingly integrated, while we note increasing marginalization of the economies of the poor countries. While the industrialized countries increase their independence in raw materials through the development of micro-electronics, the developing countries are suffering the backlash, and their already-fragile economic position is being weakened further. These are new challenges that we have to take up in the international arena. Faced with these paradoxes and contradictions, which keep us deadlocked, and with economic stagnation in third-world countries, we have to ask how we can get out of this situation. It is clear that only by combining our efforts at all levels - national, regional and international - shall we be able to produce a lasting solution. As to the national level, I should like to cite the case of my own country. The Government of Madagascar has made development the principal objective underlying its activities at the national and international levels. Thus diplomacy is put at the service of development and, without any ideological considerations, is focused on the establishment of relations with all States on the basis of respect for the great fundamental principles set forth in the various international legal instruments. While continuing to implement its structural- adjustment programme, Madagascar has made important political changes in the shape of democratization, characterized by the blossoming of a multi-party approach and the creation of the conditions necessary to the promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms. In short, we are working towards the advent of a state of law that responds to the deeply felt aspirations of our people. This democratization of our political life is accompanied by economic reform based on liberalism designed to promote active participation by our people in the development of the country. In this context, our Government is trying to create a climate of trust in our institutional framework, and we are trying to draw up clear rules for production and investment in order to guarantee the necessary political support at the national and international levels. The Government of Madagascar would like to thank the friendly countries and international institutions that have understood the importance of the changes now under way and that intend to support them and to increase their contributions to satisfy our most urgent needs and, in the long term, help to strengthen our democratic process and promote real, self-sustaining development. When we use the term "immediate needs," we are thinking of a set of relief mechanisms designed to deal with the precarious situation of our principal social sectors because of the demands of the structural adjustment programme. 9 As for the economic recovery and development programme, I should like to recall that the Government of the Republic of Madagascar is prepared to conclude agreements with the Bretton Woods institutions. It is our ardent hope that, above and beyond their current demands for adjustments to achieve financial equilibrium and balanced budgets, those institutions will take new measures to reorient that programme towards true recovery accompanied by an economic take-off and sustainable development. At the regional level, developing countries have come up with guidelines and goals and have now buckled down to implementing them. In the case of Africa, I would recall the Lagos Plan of Action and Final Act, the African Alternative Framework for Structural Adjustment Programmes (AAF-SAP) and the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of Africa in the 1990s. Four years after the launching of the new Programme of Action, we have to say that the expected results have not yet been achieved and that Africa, one of the worlds least-developed continents, has not received the hoped for assistance and aid from the rich countries. Because of their own efforts to implement measures for rehabilitation and recovery, often involving considerable sacrifices, the African countries deserve a more positive response from the international community. It is crucial to problems of debt, commodity diversification and the provision of adequate financial resources if African States are to be assured not only the conditions required for true economic and social take-off, but also the success of the structural and political reforms now under way, free from social upheaval and the danger of a decline in security and stability. The United Nations has an important role to play in finding appropriate solutions to development problems. The persistent nature of the problems we customarily evoke here in the Assembly every year shows once again the inadequacy of the policies and measures adopted so far - despite the adoption of several international instruments for cooperation, such as the Declaration of the eighteenth special session of the General Assembly, the International Development Strategy for the Fourth United Nations Development Decade, the Cartegena Commitment of the eighth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD VIII), the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development and Agenda 21. The problems we are facing can no longer be dealt with adequately on an ad hoc basis or constantly subjected to adjustment measures. What is required is structural reform of the international economic system, which, despite profound changes, is still unjust and perpetuates relations of dependency. In other words, it is very important to define new strategies and agree on new parameters and mechanisms that can reverse the inequities in international economic relations today. This is a task for the United Nations, which, because of its universality and its democratic principles, remains the only forum that can tackle these problems with an integrated approach, taking into account the political implications of decisions made by those principally involved in development, including financial, monetary and international trade institutions. The Agenda for Development, the indispensable corollary to the Agenda for Peace, launched two years ago by the Secretary-General, should give to the international community new guidelines as it seeks to attain development objectives. The elaboration of that Agenda should be given special attention. The Agenda’s first objectives should be to eliminate poverty, meet peoples’ basic needs and improve their standard of living. It should seek to promote effective implementation of existing commitments and agreements and take into account the goals of forthcoming international conferences in the field of economic and social development. Instead of talking about requirements or conditions, it should set forth practical and realistic ways of meeting the challenges with which we are faced. In this connection, the attention of the international community should be focused on questions of debt, development financing, commodities, international trade, environment and development. Support for economic and technical cooperation between developing countries and the strengthening of regional and sub-regional integration initiatives should be an integral part of the new Agenda. Experience has shown the resumption of development through renewed international cooperation cannot succeed without the political will of States, especially the rich ones. Although such cooperation depends on many variables, and is affected by many different circumstances, it can no longer disregard the principles of justice, equity and equal but differentiated participation. 10 At this crucial moment in its history, the Organization must learn from the past so that it can consolidate its achievements, meet today’s challenges and develop a plan for the future of the United Nations. The fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations will be the time for drawing up a balance sheet, for making the Organization, the Member States and the people of the world face up to their respective responsibilities. This historic moment will make clear the gap between hopes and reality, between commitments fulfilled and promises forgotten. Efforts to restructure the Organization and give it a second wind will be successful only if there is a true resolve to arrive at a world consensus for development, in all its aspects, as the foundation of peace and a source of hope for all mankind. For its part, Madagascar is prepared to work with peace-loving and justice-loving States to build a better world.