Lithuania

I sincerely thank you, Sir, for the honour and opportunity of addressing this forum, and I extend my congratulations to you upon your election to lead the forty-ninth session of the General Assembly. In this Hall, we see representatives of the entire world, a world in which there has been unprecedented global change. Our planet is growing more unified in all areas of life; economic and political integration is well under way. Nations, States and entire continents are drawing closer together. It is unfortunate that not all changes lead to progress. A new avalanche of problems confronts the United Nations and other international organizations, affecting rich and poor countries alike. I fully concur with Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali in his belief that today as never before our international community needs a new and forward-looking vision of our future. The time has long been ripe for us to discuss within the United Nations agenda the creation of a new and universal concept of development that would embrace peace, economic development, a clean environment, social justice and democratic governance as the five spokes supporting the wheel of humanity’s progress. It is clear, I believe, that our generation must take up the task of rediscovering the world and building within it new, mutually supportive relationships. One of the fundamental instruments at our disposal in this global task is the United Nations. On the eve of the fiftieth anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations, it is appropriate to recall the circumstances of its creation. It is important that we examine the strengths and weaknesses of the United Nations predecessor, the League of Nations. We must learn from this analysis so as to ensure that the United Nations shall not become a mere bystander to world events. It is true, of course, that the global situation today is fundamentally different from that which existed at the outbreak of the Second World War. We no longer suffer from the presence of dictatorial bandit States led by fanatics. But potential dangers exist today; they are multifaceted and have spread throughout the world. Together we must overcome racism, hatred of foreigners, fanatical nationalism and intolerance. If we do not, these demons, once having manifested themselves in men, communities or entire nations, could destroy the entire world. Today I would like to take note of a historic day for Lithuania, the Baltic States and all of Europe. It is all the more significant in that the General Assembly will discuss at this forty-ninth session, the complete withdrawal of foreign military forces from the territories of the Baltic States, as called for by a General Assembly resolution adopted at the forty-eighth session. On 31 August 1993 the withdrawal of the Russian military from Lithuania was completed, and exactly one year later the same historic event took place in Estonia and Latvia. That date also coincided with the withdrawal of Russian troops from Germany. This harmony of dates is more than merely symbolic: it marks the resolution of one more consequence of the Second World War. Guided by the principles of the United Nations Charter, Lithuania continues to broaden its international relations in a consistent manner. The goals and priorities of our economic, social and foreign policies remain unchanged. Lithuania seeks to secure democratic government and the principles of a free market, and at the same time to ensure the well-being of its people and the protection of minority rights. Lithuania is confronted with serious problems of a social character common to all young democracies. Yet at the same time, we must also recognize what has already been accomplished. Lithuania has a stable currency. Inflation is under control. The private sector already employs the majority of the work force. A vibrant and innovative market continues to grow. After four years of dramatic decline, the standard of living has been stabilized, although it is still rather low. An attractive legal environment has been ensured for foreign investment. We attach great value to the bilateral and multilateral assistance to the process of democracy-building and free- market reforms. Western interest in and attention to the restored democracies of Central Europe is vital not only for us, the recipients of such assistance, but for the future of a unified Europe. Today the future of the West can no longer be considered in isolation from developments in the East. We benefit from successful cooperation with Estonia and Latvia, our closest neighbours, with whom we share a common history and common fate. This year a permanent body, the Baltic Council of Ministers, was established. But as we look to the future, this will not be enough. If the Baltic countries are to become integrated members of Europe, then the establishment of a common visa and economic space can only be the first step of many. It is imperative that our foreign and defence policies be even more closely coordinated and that we harmonize our legislation in accordance with the norms of the European Union. I believe that all the countries of our region face new opportunities with the establishment of another cooperative body approximately one year ago: the Council of Baltic Sea States. This region has great potential. It is home to countries large and small, economically strong and less developed, that not so long ago were separated by the front lines of the cold war. The Baltic Sea States are unified by many common goals as well as problems. Sadly, in recent days we have also shared a common tragedy. I wish to express my deepest condolences to the Governments of our neighbouring countries and to the people whose loved ones perished in the catastrophe that befell the ferry M.S. Estonia. As I speak of our neighbours, I must also point to our relations with Belarus. We are heartened by the new possibilities of concluding a treaty on inter-State relations between our two countries. The signing of such a treaty will further secure the principle so valued by our nations: good-neighbourly relations. Lithuania attaches particular importance to its relations with Russia. As neighbours, we are very interested - perhaps even more so than other countries - in the success of the democratic and free-market reforms in that country. Russian relations with Lithuania and the other Baltic States today are a reflection of the current Russian position concerning the evolving European order, one in which old divisions are disappearing. We would like to hope that the new Russia will adhere to the principles of international law and will not obstruct the integration of the Baltic countries into European political, economic and security structures. This would be a clear signal that the democratic reforms undertaken in Russia are irreversible and that new lines of division will not be drawn in 2 Europe. It would reaffirm that Russia does not seek to isolate itself from the West and that, on the contrary, it trusts the West and seeks cooperation with it on an equal basis. Given Lithuania’s geopolitical situation and our economic opportunities, we can and are prepared to be a bridge between East and West. But I also want to emphasize that a future as a buffer State is completely unacceptable to us. Several days ago, in his address to the Assembly, Russian President Yeltsin stated that it was essential to reject the imposition of one’s will on weaker States and to build a new order, founded on law and morality. I express my hope that democratic Russia will adhere to these responsibilities and thus justify the growing trust of the international community in its future. One year ago I said from this podium that Lithuania would welcome steps toward the gradual demilitarization of the Kaliningrad district. Today I can state with satisfaction that Russia is reducing its military presence in that area. Lithuania, whose territory is traversed by transit to this Russian enclave, is not indifferent to the future of the Kaliningrad district and the Lithuanian minority residing there. Occupying a unique place on the map of Europe, this Russian territory demands special attention. It could become a stone in the foundation of security and an attractive economic partner or, under less favourable conditions, a source or even exporter of military threat and unrest. Lithuania proposes to examine issues pertaining to the Kaliningrad district as part of the round-table mechanism established by the European Stability Pact. We hope that all interested parties will give their support to this initiative. In concluding a fundamental bilateral Treaty with Poland this year, we have closed a chapter of our common history. From the start of the 1930s and the outbreak of conflict over Lithuania’s capital of Vilnius, relations between us were tainted by open confrontation, a state of affairs still remembered in the halls of the Palais des Nations in Geneva. I believe that this Treaty, which recognizes and confirms the present borders of our countries, can be considered the final rapprochement for Lithuania and Poland. As we greet the future, Lithuanians and Poles will be able to make their rightful contribution to a unifying Europe. We also strive to establish closer ties with other countries of Central Europe. We share not only a similar history, but also current problems and future goals. I am convinced that the convening of a meeting of the leaders of all Central European States in the very near future would benefit our countries. Such a conference would allow us to discuss our common reform experiences and our strategies for drawing closer to the European Union. Participation in multilateral and international forums provides new opportunities for Lithuania. An ever- increasing number of important political decisions are today being reached in international organizations. This is especially beneficial for small and medium-sized States. Lithuania sees the guarantee of its security, stability and well-being in joining European political, economic and security structures. Lithuania has always been an integral part of European civilization and culture. We have never lost our European heritage. Our recent 50year separation from the world did not sever our roots. Our goal remains membership in the European Union. We have already concluded a free-trade agreement with the Union that should come into affect next year. We also expect soon to sign an agreement on associate membership with the Union. Integration into the European Union cannot be considered in isolation from the broadening of qualitatively new ties with the Western European Union. Lithuania is an associate partner of this defence organization of ever-increasing importance. We believe the strengthening of the role of the Western European Union to be both logical and necessary. I am also convinced that the security and stability of my country and the region demand closer cooperation with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Lithuania has presented its formal request for membership in that organization and will continue resolutely to seek the fulfilment of this goal. Lithuania’s participation in the Partnership for Peace programme opens new avenues for Lithuanian cooperation in efforts with Europe, the United States and Canada in their endeavours to prevent conflict and maintain peace. We firmly hope that our active participation and that of other Central European States in the Partnership programme will have a positive impact on the broadening of NATO. The expansion of NATO eastward would not pose a danger or threaten any European State. Russian fears of isolation, I believe, are groundless. We welcome Russia’s joining in the Partnership for Peace and hope that its 3 participation in the programme will contribute to the strengthening of mutual trust and stability. I should like to take note of several concerns of a more global character, the burden and urgency of which are particularly felt by the countries in transition. Our well-founded fears are heightened by the continuously growing gap between the developed and developing countries. Can we truly speak of a stable Europe when the hourly wages of a laborer in the European Union are equal to one day’s pay in Central Europe and, in some countries of Eastern Europe, to a month’s income? If this unfortunate tendency is allowed to continue, a wave of despondency and instability may overflow all barriers. The young democracies of Central and Eastern Europe are confronted by dangers posed by organized crime, illegal migration and trafficking in narcotics and, most horribly, in nuclear materials. These are the unfortunate negative consequences of our rejoining the world; without the necessary experience, they are difficult to address. We require coordinated and concrete assistance. We live not only in a time of great changes, but also in a world of great contrasts. As we celebrate the historic transformation of Europe, the stunning successes in the Middle East peace process and the end of apartheid in South Africa, we are nevertheless witnessing continuing tragedies and conflicts all over the world. The efforts of the international community, expressed through the United Nations, do not always achieve their desired results. The main reason for this is the inability to enact decisive measures. This is particularly evident when large countries are for any reason drawn into local conflicts, leading to a clash of their global interests. In such cases, the timely removal of built-up tensions becomes difficult. If we fail to avoid conflict, its containment and reduction become painful and long-term, often leading to the death of Blue Helmets in the execution of their peace mission. It is therefore crucial that we join forces to improve the conflict prevention mechanism. In this regard, we support the initiative of Germany and the Netherlands to improve cooperative relations between the United Nations and the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). Every State must contribute in a tangible way towards the creation of a peaceful and stable world. This must be the responsibility of everyone. It would be inappropriate for any country to seek to achieve its own interests or expand its sphere of influence under the guise of peace-keeping missions. There are criteria which must be followed in this regard - namely, the principles of the United Nations and the CSCE. These principles must, in my opinion, apply to all countries, including the Russian Federation. We cannot agree to allowing countries to carry out peace-keeping missions in any given geographical space without the consent of the parties to the conflict or the proper international mandate. I would like to emphasize my conviction that the principles of international law must be adhered to by all States, small and large. With the end of the cold war and the spread of democracy, old global divisions begin to disappear. It is vital that this continue. Those who believe that a new delineation of spheres of interest can bring stability to the world are mistaken. We who have felt the consequences of such divisions of influence can testify that this would only bring about new conflicts and upheaval. The United Nations has a particular significance for small and medium-sized States - in other words, the majority of countries. These States suffer first when instability and mutual distrust take root in the world. In an anarchic world, guided only by an ad hoc order, small States are the first to fall victim to larger interests. Small States experience with considerable pain the negative side-effects of global changes; they are the true front-line States. We have only to look at the front pages of the world’s newspapers. Bosnia, Rwanda, Tajikistan - all of these are small States struggling with tragic historical legacies. At the same time, if there exist guarantees for their security, small States develop rapidly and bring their own contributions to the international community. I firmly adhere to my remarks, made a year ago in this Hall, that "the future of a more integrated world lies in democracy and the individuality of free nations." (Official Records of the General Assembly, Forty- eighth Session, Plenary Meetings, 7th meeting, p. 14) This individuality and diversity do not have to divide us. Quite the opposite - they will enrich us. Lithuania became a Member of the United Nations three years ago. Until now, Lithuania was perhaps a passive recipient of the assistance and security this membership provided. Today Lithuania seeks to contribute actively to the undertakings of the international 4 community to strengthen security and stability throughout the world. Together with Estonia and Latvia, Lithuania is in the process of establishing a Baltic peace-keeping battalion which will be fully operational in the very near future. With the consent of the Lithuanian Parliament, a group of Lithuanian peace-keepers, serving within a larger Danish battalion, is today a part of the United Nations Protection Force stationed in Croatia. I take this opportunity to thank Denmark and the other countries that provide continuous assistance in the creation of Lithuanian and Baltic peace-keeping units. In the future, within its financial capabilities, Lithuania will continue to participate in similar United Nations peace-keeping and humanitarian missions. With the expansion of United Nations membership, the range of issues we are asked to discuss within the United Nations has also increased, imposing new responsibilities and new demands on the Organization. It is very important that the international community be properly represented in the Security Council. Lithuania therefore supports proposals to expand the membership of the Council, creating new permanent as well as non-permanent seats. One of the principle guarantees of international stability is respect for fundamental human rights and freedoms and their development and defence. It was, of course, within the framework of the United Nations that the first landmark international human rights documents were adopted. We believe the establishment of the office of High Commissioner for Human Rights to be a timely decision. The High Commissioner must become the overall coordinator of United Nations activities in the field of human rights. The world clearly needs an institution that can rapidly and effectively report human rights violations, particularly those which pose a danger of escalating into prolonged conflict. Such reporting would enhance the policy of preventive diplomacy. Lithuania continues along the difficult road of reform, maintaining a relatively high human development index, as reflected in the United Nations Development Programme’s 1994 report on human development, where it is in twenty- eighth place. We are well aware of the particular circumstances of this high ranking and of the fact that it is calculated with the use of rather distorted gross national product statistics. Unfortunately, the use of these distorted figures has led to excessive contributions to the United Nations and to a reduction in assistance provided. At the same time, Lithuania, like other Central European countries, has despite the odds achieved a high level of development in education, science and culture. This, too, is reflected in the human development index. This state of affairs has two aspects. As Lithuania cannot effectively finance these areas from its own resources, an overall decline is unavoidable. Another possibility remains: with the help of the United Nations and other organizations, the decline may be halted in the fields of education, science and culture. If the existing foundation is protected, recovery in the economic and social fields will follow more rapidly. Adopting this second solution would be less costly and more effective than allowing a collapse of the system. Lithuania, like other formerly central-command economies, has inherited environmentally damaging technologies. While we have witnessed political and economic change, the restoration of a balanced environment in our countries will take many years and require financial resources. As the possessor of a powerful nuclear energy facility, Lithuania is particularly concerned about nuclear safety. Here, I wish to express our particular gratitude to Sweden and other Western European partners for assistance they provide to increase the safety of our nuclear energy programme. Lithuania welcomes the increased attention that international environmental organizations are giving to the concerns of our region. I believe that combined efforts are capable of producing results much sooner than we first imagined. But, for this to occur, we must be assured that assistance provided by the United Nations will not be reduced. Of particular relevance to my country is the transfer of environmentally sound technology and know-how. An ecologically aware civilization must become the goal of our era. If the international community does not provide the necessary assistance and cooperation the situation in our region could change for the worse. The countries of Central and Eastern Europe receive a small portion of the technical assistance provided by the United Nations, but it is employed in our region effectively and with visible results. Here I should like to welcome the reforms initiated by the Secretary-General. We now see the first results of the restructuring, and we are satisfied with the progress. We are particularly encouraged by steps taken to increase 5 managerial and policy-making accountability within the Secretariat, as well as the simplification and streamlining of the decision-making machinery. Lithuania supports and pledges its full cooperation with the new Office of Internal Oversight. I would also draw attention to the fact that the United Nations Charter still contains certain outdated concepts concerning enemy States. These are a relic of the Second World War. Therefore, I believe Articles 53 and 107 of the Charter ought to be amended. One of this year’s most important international events was the International Conference on Population and Development held recently in Cairo. Next year the United Nations will continue the tradition of transcontinental forums. The world social Summit in Copenhagen will afford us an opportunity to put people’s concerns at the centre of social policy. This is of particular relevance to countries whose economies are in transition, where people carry the burden of rapid economic, social and political change. The World Conference on Women, to be held in Beijing, will address the key question of how, in times of awesome change, men and women can work together for a peaceful world in which equality and harmony will be the norm and reality of life. At the beginning of my address I spoke of the wheel of human development being supported by five basic principles. Today we clearly face a time for decisions. Either that wheel will turn, slowly but surely, through the joint efforts of us all, taking us towards ever higher plains of progress, or it will stop turning, and if it stops it will inevitably begin to roll backwards - to chaos and barbarity. As humanity crosses into a new millennium, we must not allow the wheel to stop turning. This demands the collective action of all States and peoples. That is why we must always remind ourselves that no organization in the world today can equal the authority, longevity, dynamism and vitality of the United Nations. That which divided nations, States or continents cannot achieve alone they can and will achieve together as the United Nations. I am convinced of this, as there is no alternative.