Germany

I wish to begin by congratulating the President, on his election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth session and wish him every success with his work. I also wish to thank his predecessor, President Kavan, for the dedication with which he presided over the fifty-seventh session of the General Assembly. I also wish to endorse the statements made by the Italian presidency on behalf of the European Union. This year is a special one for Germany’s work within the United Nations. History is both a reminder and a guide for us. Thirty years ago, on 18 September 1973, the United Nations welcomed Germany back into the fold of the family of nations. My predecessor, Federal Chancellor Willy Brandt, paved the way for that move. His standing as an anti-fascist inspired confidence for Germany. His passionate commitment to internationalism went far beyond the policy of détente in the then East-West conflict. In 1980 he made an urgent appeal to the community of States with a report entitled “North- South, A Programme for Survival”. He wrote: “The globalization of the dangers resulting from wars, chaos and self-destruction calls for a domestic policy that goes far beyond national borders.” We are strongly committed to this task, and I think that we Germans are not the only ones who are committed to it, because, as I said, history is our guide. It guides us towards intensive international cooperation, of course under the auspices of the United Nations, that we must strengthen through courageous reforms. It guides us towards a universal order based on the rule of law and human dignity, on good, responsible governance and prosperity that is truly shared by all people. It also guides us towards security and peace through comprehensive prevention. We must act resolutely by pursuing an effective multilateral strategy wherever peace is threatened and human rights are violated. But we must act just as resolutely to prevent conflict and create stable structures so that people can lead their lives in freedom and tolerance with one another. Thirty years ago, Germany was a country with limited sovereignty, divided by the Iron Curtain. Today, Germany is a sovereign nation, a civil Power in the heart of a united Europe. We live in a common area of freedom, the rule of law, prosperity and social responsibility. This goes to show that development towards justice and peace is indeed possible and we shall not cease to support endeavours to that end anywhere in the world, be it in the Middle East, in Africa or in any other crisis area. Bearing in mind our own history, we are indeed assuming responsibility for a cooperative policy of peace. This we do by employing economic, political and humanitarian means. But we are also assuming military responsibility, shoulder to shoulder with our partners in NATO and the European Union, where there is absolutely no other way to secure peace and protect human beings. Today, more than 9,000 members of the German armed forces and police are deployed on international peace missions. Our top priority is our commitment to peace in Afghanistan. Germany is willing to maintain its commitment there in the long term and we are ready to increase it beyond its present scope. The basis for such commitment is the Charter of the United Nations. In the Unification Treaty, Germany vowed that it would only deploy its armed forces within the framework of this Charter. The Charter provides us with “the necessary building blocks to ensure that our common humanity is an inclusive one, built on values such as tolerance and dignity”. These were the words of Sergio Vieira de Mello, who on 19 August 2003 fell victim to an underhanded criminal attack in Baghdad. He was killed along with 22 others, including many members of the United Nations staff working for the people of Iraq and their hopes of a better future. We are deeply affected by their deaths and must honour them by taking on their legacy. Our response must be to strengthen the role and commitment of the United Nations in Iraq. Only the United Nations can guarantee the legitimacy required to enable the people of Iraq to speedily rebuild their country under an independent, representative Government. Germany stands ready to support such a process. We are ready to 24 provide humanitarian, technical and economic assistance and could also train Iraqi security personnel. International terrorism, failing States and the dangers posed by the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction all threaten our joint security. The obvious question is: What must be done to truly enhance security? We must capture the terrorists and their masters and destroy their infrastructure. There can be no doubt that we must prevent any further proliferation of nuclear weapons. We must strengthen the inspections regimes and pursue a policy of controlled disarmament. But as we know from history, as well as our own experience, to follow any strategy focused narrowly on the military and the police would be a recipe for failure. Rather, what is needed is to address the root causes of terrorism and insecurity. To combat fanaticism, we must ensure social and material as well as cultural security. That can only be achieved on the basis of a broad concept of security. If we want to outlaw infamy we must put an end to lawlessness. That is the core task, indeed, of the international courts of justice and especially the International Criminal Court. In order to win hearts and minds for freedom, peace and an open society, we must help people to acquire a greater stake in society, build better lives for them and provide them with a secure environment. Afghanistan is a good example of this. There, the international community succeeded in liberating the Afghan people from the scourge of the Taliban and al Qaeda. At the same time, the Petersberg Conference on Afghanistan, held in Bonn under the auspices of the United Nations, created a political framework for rebuilding the country. This process needs our continued support. There must also be sustained international commitment to the task of strengthening security. In the long run, the fight against terrorism can be won only if people see that it produces tangible benefits in their everyday lives. They need to experience at first hand that being once again part of the international community means not only greater freedom and more security, but also entails better development opportunities and a greater stake in society. There is no doubt that we have already made major strides towards realizing our common goals enshrined in the United Nations Charter. More countries than ever before now have democratic Governments. Our concerted efforts have enabled more people than ever before to put poverty behind them. But we must note that the gap between the world’s rich and poor has still not been closed and the fight against hunger, injustice and oppression is still far from won. For this reason, eradicating poverty remains an imperative of our policy for peace and stability. There has been a drastic reduction in the number of wars fought between States. In the Balkans, for example, resolute action by NATO and the United Nations enabled us to put an end to certain wars and prevent others from breaking out in the first place. Nevertheless, our world has become — and not just since the barbaric terrorist attacks in New York and Washington or indeed Bali, Casablanca, Moscow or Djerba — a dramatically more insecure place. New threats that no country in the world can tackle effectively on its own, make international cooperation more vital than ever before. Such threats also require new strategies and that is why we are all called upon to review whether the instruments available to the United Nations are still appropriate for tackling these new challenges. We all have a responsibility to ensure that people and their rights are also protected in situations other than inter-State wars. They must be protected from genocide and the consequences of random violence as well. A political commitment to comprehensive prevention must further strengthen the United Nations monopoly on the use of force as well as the institutions of international law. Within the United Nations we need to muster the strength to launch overdue institutional reforms. My Government fully and wholeheartedly supports the proposals made by the Secretary-General. We must agree how to ensure in the future an even better allocation of abilities, skills and scarce resources. I also share the view of the Secretary-General that the legitimacy of the Security Council depends on how well it represents all nations and all regions. It is true that the Council must be reformed and enlarged. First and foremost, it must also include more representatives of the developing countries. Let me reiterate that in the context of such reform Germany is ready to assume greater responsibility. The world of the twenty-first century offers us, its inhabitants, ample scope for change, for better or worse. Given the wealth of opportunities and the immense dangers ahead, we have no choice but to 25 strive for greater international partnership and expand and strengthen multilateralism. We will only be able to make our world a more secure place if we can also make it more fair and equitable. It was for that very purpose, after all, that the international community created the United Nations. That is its mandate. Let us join together to make the United Nations even stronger. Let us make sure that it can fulfil its mandate to maintain international peace and security and that it can achieve greater justice for all.