6. On taking the rostrum for the first time during the twenty-second session of the General Assembly, I take special pleasure to congratulate you most sincerely, Mr. President, on your election to the highest post in the United Nations. The fair and skilful conduct of our work is guaranteed, first, by your experience and talent and, secondly, by the spirit of international understanding reflected in your inaugural statement. My delegation is doubly gratified, because your election constitutes the first implementation of the principle of equity which inspired General Assembly resolution 1990 (XVIII). It inaugurates the optional rotation of the Presidency of this Assembly and gives effect not only to a precept of justice but also to a principle of international philosophy which the United Nations has wisely adopted, thus permitting the various geographical and political groups to contribute their spirit and culture to the function of guiding the work of the United Nations. We agree with the view expressed in the President's inaugural statement that world problems cannot be tackled unless the countries of Eastern Europe participate fully in the world-wide mission of the United Nations.
7. These remarks, which have given us an opportunity to stress our satisfaction at your election as President of the newly begun twenty-second session of the General Assembly, remind us that a year ago, when defining for the first time the new Guatemalan Government's position regarding its participation in the work of the United Nations, we based our policy essentially on the principles of universality and legality that we are reaffirming today. Similarly, I cannot begin my statement without restating our position regarding the problem of the admission of new Members; we should seek to ensure that all the peoples of the world are represented here on the basis of the recognition and acceptance of the principles of international coexistence embodied in the United Nations Charter.
8. However, Guatemala's statement in the general debate will not consist of a repetition of thoughts and reflections expressed during the previous Assembly, nor would my delegation achieve its objective by referring exhaustively or in detail, or even briefly, to the ninety-five items on our agenda which make up the heavy workload facing the twenty-second session of the Assembly. We shall leave it to our representatives in the various committees to state Guatemala's position on these items. On this occasion we merely wish to refer in very general terms to certain questions of particular importance which are before the present session of the General Assembly.
9. In the political sphere, with regard to the questions of Viet-Nam and the Middle East, we do not feel it would be opportune for the Guatemalan delegation, in contributing to the work of the present Assembly, to deal during the general debate with the highly controversial aspects which might point the way towards short-term or long-term solutions to these very serious problems. The First Committee will consider these matters more fully in the light of present political realities, future prospects and the political will manifested by the opposing sides. It is, however, opportune to defend the United Nations against an easy and widespread misconception which, although not new, has been repeated recently, when world opinion saw that the existence and activities of the United Nations had not produced immediate and effective solutions to the two gravest international conflicts, with which we have been concerned in the past and continue to be most actively concerned today.
10. Last year, on this rostrum [1413th meeting] we strongly urged the United Nations to take more action regarding the Viet-Nam problem and appealed to Member States to permit and facilitate the diplomatic activities of the Secretary-General, which, then as now, we regarded as one of the weapons which the political circumstances of the conflict permitted the United Nations to use with a view to bringing the war to the conference table within the framework of the Geneva Agreements. The peoples of the world continue to be moved by the tragedy of Viet-Nam, which has plunged so many families into mourning, but we must congratulate the Secretary-General for the self-sacrificing persistence with which he has pursued his diplomatic activities; we ask him to continue his efforts and reaffirm the confidence which the people and Government of Guatemala place in him.
11. This is the most that the United Nations has been able to do during the past year, but it shields one of its principal organs, the Secretariat, from moral condemnation, That condemnation is born of the frustration and bitterness felt by the peoples of the world when they see that the United Nations is powerless to end the war in Viet-Nam, They accuse the Organization of being impotent and of being effective only when the two biggest world Powers are in agreement. That condemnation is perhaps well founded, but it is wrongly directed. It is not the United Nations which is guilty.
12. When the peoples of the world sought to organize themselves after the Second World War, they chose to set up an international parliamentary system rather than a super-State. That parliament reflects not only the thinking and conscience of mankind but also its will to act. Consequently, the powers of the United Nations and the scope of its activities are governed by the wishes of its Member States. However, certain realities made it necessary to devise a unique parliamentary system, with a Security Council having special functions and a veto system; those same realities have prevented any reform movement or any political will to act from gaining enough momentum to bring about a change in the rules of coexistence which govern the activities of the international community; an increase in the real power of the United Nations has been neither desired nor permitted. In these circumstances, the accusation is timely but should be levelled at us, for we have not been determined or clever enough to find an immediate and effective solution to a conflict which is the most tragic example of the main problem of our time. It is to be hoped that in future aggression will cease and that those who profess a philosophy of violence will realize that their position is ethically invalid and runs counter to the course of history.
13. Turning to the Middle East, it will perhaps cause some astonishment if I suggest that the United Nations may perhaps bear less responsibility than would seem to be the case; We are responsible because we did not realize that the temporary resolution of a crisis created an appearance of calm whereas in fact there had been no fundamental solution. We are responsible because we did not try to face the difficulties involved in seeking a solution to the various elements of the problem. However, we are not responsible when efforts based on thought and persuasion are wrecked by the inflexible political positions taken by the parties most directly concerned. Above all, at this time and at this stage of the problem, it should be stressed that it is difficult for efforts based on reflection and persuasion to succeed when the warlike passions of the peoples concerned have been fanned, not checked.
14. History, and the experience of the United Nations itself, show that even when there is a theoretical solution and even when such a solution is supported, as it sometimes is, by the political will of the leaders concerned, that solution is not feasible so long as unbridled passions tie the hands of statesmen who have a constructive vision of history and are willing to negotiate. We therefore feel that this Assembly will find it difficult to surpass the arduous and unstinting efforts of the fifth emergency special session, which recently completed its meetings and transmitted to us the results of its work and its deliberations. Without being pessimistic, however, we believe that neither the fifth emergency special session nor the present session of the Assembly can find an effective and permanent solution to the problems of the Middle East until, with the help of a measure of restraint and clear-sighted judgement on the part of the leaders concerned, the passions of the peoples involved in the conflict have been calmed to a degree that will enable those peoples and their Governments to take a clearer view of their historical destiny within the framework of peaceful and constructive coexistence.
15. While other regions of the world are setting aside their political differences and seeking ways to achieve economic and social co-operation that will give them a greater degree of regional independence and offer their peoples more opportunities for development, other peoples which share a common ancestry are furiously fighting each other, thus risking their lives, their very existence and their regional independence. The least that this Assembly can do — and this should perhaps be its first step — is to set aside its arguments over the political realities of the region and its future prospects and appeal to the leaders of the Governments and peoples concerned to calm their unbridled and warlike emotions and seek pragmatic formulas that will enable them to shape their destiny for the benefit of present and future generations.
16. I cannot complete any comments on the political items without referring briefly to aggression and intervention as phenomena which are troubling these and other regions of the world. Seventeen years ago, the United Nations expressed the view that aggression could be defined, and one year later the view that it should be defined. In May 1967 the latest committee established to study the problem became embroiled in a procedural dispute. Guatemala does not discount the possibility that a definition of aggression would further United Nations efforts to avoid, check or prevent aggression, and we are prepared to continue lending our active support to the attainment of that goal. Despite the fact that the specialists in legal and political philosophy have gone deeply into conceptual elements that might become a source of concern if brought face to face with political realities or prospects, Guatemala feels that a limited definition is feasible, provided that it is supplemented by the principle of non-intervention, which is the keystone of our foreign policy and of the concept of coexistence embodied in the United Nations Charter. Even so, we cannot but feel some misgivings when we reflect on the fact that we do not need a definition of aggression in order to identify the most serious problems that affect or may affect international peace as violations of the Charter. It would be regrettable if an intellectual and philosophical effort to define a principle of international law were used as a pretext for demagogic verbal exchanges and by accusations and counteraccusations in a renewed outbreak of the political war of words. We shall have an opportunity for such verbal exchanges in connexion with other items, in accordance with the rules of this international forum.
17. To conclude our consideration of the political items, Guatemala would sin by omission if it did not express its continuing concern regarding the problems of world-wide disarmament and denuclearization; it intends to make its modest intellectual and political contribution when these problems are discussed in the First Committee. We pay a heartfelt tribute of admiration to Mexico and Latin America for the Treaty of Tlatelolco, signed at Mexico City on 14 February 1967, which prohibits nuclear weapons in our region. We hope that the nuclear Powers will soon be able to sign the second protocol of the Treaty of Tlatelolco, committing themselves to respect Latin America as a denuclearized zone. May this Treaty serve as an example and stimulate the efforts of certain great Powers, which we view with increasing optimism.
18. I would recall here what the Secretary-General has said on this subject in the introduction to his Annual Report [A/6701/Add.1]; we support his views and hope that the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, on which the United States and the Soviet Union have already reached a large measure of agreement, will become a reality with the attainment of agreement on the problem of guarantees.
19. We remain concerned about the continuance of atomic explosions and are ready to support the cause of any country that justifiably considers itself threatened by them, but we also believe that the prohibition of nuclear weapons is not necessarily incompatible with the technical development of atomic power for peaceful purposes, the opportunity for which should be open to all peoples.
20. I come now to the second section of my statement, in which I shall comment on three basic aspects of the economic and social work of the United Nations. Before doing so, however, it would perhaps be appropriate to recall the concern and the sense of urgency which our peoples expect of us when we deal with this important sector of our work. There is always a tendency to think of the United Nations as a peace-keeping organization. World opinion and Governments easily forget that the Preamble to the Charter refers to social progress and better standards of life for our peoples.
21. I shall not recall the words of that distinguished servant of mankind, Mr. Paul G. Hoffman, who said that the United Nations was concerned not only with peace-keeping but also with peace-building, for that might seem to subordinate economic and social activities to peace-keeping activities. Guatemala, like its sister nations on this continent and the other relatively under-developed countries, is keenly aware that the needs of our most underprivileged classes force us to recognize a principle embodied in the United Nations Charter, namely, that economic and social progress is a goal In itself, completely justified by a precept of justice. We do not deny that the cause of peaceful coexistence will be furthered by improving the lot of this growing proletariat of nations, but we believe — indeed, we are convinced — that, as far as the great majority of the world's population is concerned, it is sometimes more urgently important to solve their overwhelming problems relating to health, food and education than to maintain a political equilibrium in some remote corner of the world. This does not mean that we should falter in our determined search for peace or slacken our drive to establish a form of coexistence which will make constructive international life possible, but our Governments and international organizations should make an equal effort to solve the problems relating to the economic and social development of the underprivileged.
22. Guatemala is pleased to note that 85 per cent of the United Nations budget is allocated to economic and social activities, but we are still deeply concerned about the dispersion and duplication of effort, particularly within the United Nations family itself. I shall revert to this matter and to the proliferation of international bodies later in this statement, but at this point I should like to note with satisfaction that the new United Nations Development Programme already represents a step along the road to synthesis and co-ordination which reverses the regrettable trend towards the dispersion of effort. The goals of this Programme, to which Guatemala owes an eternal debt of gratitude, are quite clear. Fortunately, its effectiveness depends primarily on an efficient administration which can carry out its programme of practical achievements. We believe that the first steps towards the goal of efficiency have been taken in the right direction.
23. The other two major economic and social subjects to which I wish to refer are those having to do with movements towards economic integration and with the problems of world trade.
24. Last year, I expressed our appreciation for the co-operation which the United Nations had given us, through the Economic Commission for Latin America. in establishing the Central American Common Market. I am pleased to inform you now that in the course of this year, having discovered the pragmatic approach which will enable the continent to shape its common destiny, Latin America's regional consciousness has sown the first seeds of continental economic integration. We feel that these movements towards integration facilitate and accelerate the solution of problems of internal economic development; experience has also shown, however, that they serve to allay and place in proper perspective various political differences which in the past might have hampered coexistence between nations.
25. Europe's post-war statesmen had apolitical as well as an economic objective in mind when they launched the European Common Market, and the economic structure of the present-day world gives Latin America no alternative but to work for integration; the United Nations should promote this type of co-operation in other regions as well, for that would not only further economic and social goals but also yield a political dividend that would assist our Organization in its peace-keeping function. If only that thought could strike home with special force in some area which is today in the throes of a particularly grave international crisis.
26. The third and last economic subject to which I wish to refer is world trade. Although acceptance has been gained in recent decades for the principle that social justice Is a basic right of our peoples and a primary obligation of their Governments, the new pragmatic approach which is taking hold throughout the world is reducing the ability of our peoples and countries to seek recognition for economic justice in our international relations.
27. We must acknowledge that there are times when political goodwill is not enough to bring about a quick solution to the conflicts and imbalances of the complex, interdependent structure of world trade, particularly since private enterprise also plays a decisive role In that interdependence and in that problem. However, we also believe that the problem will never be resolved if the political will to do so does not exist and that, given that will, the obstacles posed by complexity, interdependence and the status quo, gigantic though they may be, can be overcome. Convincing proof of the latter statement is provided by the success of the Kennedy Round negotiations, a success which affected mainly the industrialized countries, while clear evidence of what happens when the political will is lacking can be seen in the weakness of UNCTAD.
28. My delegation wishes to express its appreciation to Dr. Raúl Prebisch and the staff of UNCTAD for the patience and self-sacrifice they have shown in charting the course which we — and particularly the developed countries — must follow in our common effort. A note of pessimism must be sounded, however, with regard to the inability of the developed countries to accept the eight points for immediate action proposed by thirty-one countries at the session held in September 1966. Of particular importance to Latin America are the international coffee, sugar and cocoa agreements, the elimination of non-universal preferences for all the under-developed countries, the grunting of universal non-discriminatory preferences and, certainly, the items relating to financial assistance, particularly non-tied loans. We hope that at the meeting of the seventy-seven in Algiers it will be possible to work out a joint presentation which can be accepted by the developed countries at the New Delhi conference in February 1968, If that does not happen, more effective approaches will have to be sought.
29. Since my Government is one which seeks to reflect the deep democratic concerns of its people, it would be inexcusable for me to go on to the next section of this Statement without mentioning the International Year for Human Rights. While it is true that in some countries a sense of respect for human rights has yet to be instilled into certain social classes which have remained intractable in their prejudices, it is primarily certain Governments which the United Nations has in mind in making its general appeal. Unfortunately for mankind, human rights are constantly violated in many parts of the world; what cannot and must not be permitted, however, is complicity on the part of Governments, whether through acts of commission or of omission. I feel compelled once again to express my delegation's condemnation of the policy of apartheid, although, in so doing, I do not wish to narrow the application of my earlier remarks, which referred to matters of world-wide scope. Since the goal of translating democracy from theory to practice is one for which men must constantly struggle, it is our fervent hope that the patient work of the United Nations and the universal exhortations of our peoples will advance our fight for the observance of human rights.
30. In going on to the next section of this statement, I feel moved to note the manner in which peace, justice and development, the corner-stones on which our Organization rests, seem to converge as common objectives when we deal with the broad range of colonial problems. Guatemala now reaffirms, as it will again in the Fourth Committee, its unyielding anti-colonialist position. Let us point out once again, however, that the goal of freedom must be coupled with guarantees and arrangements that will ensure true political and economic independence in keeping with the enlightened present-day principle of dignified, voluntary interdependence.
31. Even in this general debate, it would be inconceivable not to mention the cases of Rhodesia, South West Africa and the Portuguese Territories. Let me merely say that Guatemala will support any action taken by the United Nations, or on the latter's behalf and with its authorization, with a view to imposing the will of this Organization, which, within the framework of our institutions based on international law, reflects the thinking and the conscience of those Member States which signed the Charter and are still prepared to live in accordance with it.
32. There is another colonial question which we should mention; our traditional dispute with the Government of the United Kingdom concerning sovereignty over the territory of Belize is still in the process of being mediated by the United States. Some progress has been made in exploring the various positions of the parties, which remain mindful at all times of their concern for the advancement and wellbeing of the inhabitants of Belize.
33. While it would be premature to forecast the results of the mediation, I can state that we are exhausting all means of seeking a solution. In the meantime, as it traditionally does, Guatemala reserves its rights concerning this question in so far as relates to its participation in the present General Assembly.
34. As I begin this last section of my statement, it is appropriate to recall that the supporting base of this entire edifice of objectives and programmes is our remarkable international civil service, which is without an equal in its spirit of self-sacrifice and disinterested devotion. My delegation considers it important, however, to indicate clearly Its concern regarding our agenda and the work of the United Nations and its specialized agencies and subsidiary organs. Indeed, while the Guatemalan Government is concerned at the proliferation of international agencies and entities, with their respective budgetary burdens and the attendant risk of duplication of functions, we are also concerned at the exaggerated, ambitious tendency to enlarge not only the debating agenda but also the work agenda of existing bodies. There is no question that the range of international activities, whether carried out independently or in conjunction with national activities, is virtually unlimited. The Guatemalan Government would like to impress upon the delegates at all international meetings, and also upon our international secretariats, the imperative need to cut back projects and work agendas, having regard not only to the budgetary burdens involved but also the necessity of concentrating efforts on the highest-priority projects. This consideration, which should be kept in mind in all Our international activities, must be coupled with another and equally essential one: the urgent need to co-ordinate the work of the United Nations with that of its specialized agencies and subsidiary organs as well as with that of regional and sub-regional organizations. It is essential for the United Nations family to embrace without delay the principle of the distribution and co-ordination of work and to avoid duplication and dispersion of functions and of material and human resources. The Fifth Committee should adopt very strict resolutions in that regard, but our Governments should also give equally strict instructions to all their delegations to international bodies.
35. I now come to my concluding remarks. Our main contribution will be made by our representatives in the various committees. However, we are equally sincere in these basic observations which we wished to make during the general debate in order to reaffirm our desire to live together peacefully and constructively with all Members of the United Nations. We continue to hope that this coexistence, which is the foundation and inspiration of the United Nations Charter, can become a reality for all nations and in relation to all of them.
36. We also reaffirm that it is our belief, our aim and our hope that situations of enmity and conflict should be overcome. It is regrettable that the lessons of history have not yet impressed themselves upon certain Governments, which do not recognize the futility of violence as a means of conquering the destiny of mankind, which rests on the ethical consciousness of the individual. We, who are the first to proclaim and observe the principle of non-intervention and the right of peoples to decide their own destiny, wish also to be the first to recognize that the only form of international coexistence is that embodied in the United Nations Charter, which is based on mutual respect.
37. In expressing these thoughts, Guatemala reaffirms its faith in the United Nations and voices the hope that this twenty-second General Assembly will be crowned with pre-eminent success.