64. Mr. President, it gives me great satisfaction, on behalf of the Saudi Arabian delegation, to tender you my warm congratulations on the occasion of your unanimous election to the Presidency of the General Assembly at its twenty-second session. Your esteemed reputation as a proficient Foreign Minister of your country and a diplomat of high qualities and immense insight preceded you, before your election. It therefore stands to reason that you will guide our deliberations with tact and wisdom worthy of the great responsibility placed upon you in this eventful session.
65. I would be remiss if I failed to acknowledge, on behalf of the delegation of Saudi Arabia, the accomplishments of your predecessor, the illustrious son of Afghanistan, His Excellency Abdul Eahman Pazhwak. We offer him our heartfelt congratulations for the vital role he played not only during the previous regular session, but also during the fifth emergency special session on the Middle East and the fifth special session on South West Africa.
66. Although we rate highly the many international items that have been inscribed on the agenda of this session, we are of the opinion and believe that you, Mr. President, and the overwhelming majority of the delegations participating in this session share our conviction that the situation in. our area — the Middle East — resulting from a new wave of vicious Israeli aggression against the Arab countries contiguous to the usurped Arab homeland of Palestine deserves priority in our discussions. Furthermore,, it calls for our utmost concerted efforts in order to enable our Organization to reach an unequivocal decision in conformity with the fundamental principles of our Charter.
67. That course of action is dictated not only by justice and equity, but is also necessary to dispel the deep frustration of peace-loving peoples all over the world over the failure of our Organization during the last emergency session to adopt a positive, honourable and equitable decision.
68. In our opinion, the Palestine question remains most simple and very clear, in spite of the many complexities that have engulfed it, the various manifestations and the incessant efforts that have been made by the world Organization during the last two decades to deal with it. It is a question of a homeland usurped by brute force from its lawful and. indigenous people. That usurpation resulted from afar-reaching, diabolical conspiracy between certain rapacious interests alien to our area and Zionists, in a common endeavour to achieve their insatiable objective through manipulation, aggression and destruction.
69. Our position towards the foisting of an alien so- called State upon Arab Palestine has not changed since 1948. That imposition vitiates the Charter of the United Nations; it vitiates the principle of justice; it vitiates the principle of self-determination enunciated by the late President Wilson in 1919, which was also the declared aim of the Allies during World War II.
70. The great human sacrifices suffered during that holocaust were intended to guard the principle of self- determination, confirming it as a right and implementing it as well. This principle of self-determination is the cornerstone of our Charter, drafted at the end of World War II.
71. In 1947 [resolution 181 (II)], the United Nations recommended the partition of Palestine, by a very slim majority, following intimidation and undue influence brought to bear upon certain small States by the very same Powers which for many years had vociferously claimed that they fought World War II in order to achieve liberty and freedom for the oppressed peoples and nations.
72. If we were to submit that the aims of the Charter are in fact basic and fundamental principles, and if we were further to submit that justice and the right of self-determination are indeed accepted by all as basic principles and not subject to any compromise whatsoever, then it is axiomatic that we should never waiver or hesitate in implementing those two basic principles in any form or manner. By the same token, we should not consider a compromise of those principles even for the sake of achieving a political solution or out of the necessity of reaching a decisive settlement, unless we understand the nature of such a solution and the exact manner in which it conforms with the provisions of the Charter.
73. While we rejected the foisting of an alien impostor regime into the midst of an Arab homeland, subsequent events have proven and consistently justified our apprehension and fear and what we warned against, as well as the reasons that dictated the position we originally took.
74. We have repeatedly stated again and again from this rostrum and on many occasions that the existence of an ersatz Israeli enclave in Palestine will continuously be a cause of turmoil and upheaval and will remain the principal factor causing violence in our area. Have not the last twenty years of the Israeli presence been a cause for more upheaval, more disturbances, and more turmoil, impeding the development of our area, wasting the resources so badly needed for our development and progress towards a better life for our people?
75. In short, if it is compelling for the world Organization to achieve a just solution, it is equally imperative that such a solution should conform to the provisions of the Charter. Such will not be the case unless equity and justice supersede any and all other considerations.
76. Many voices have been raised repeatedly during the last two decades urging us to accept the fait accompli, particularly after the lapse of so many years. We wish to make it patently clear to those who care and to those who are concerned in any manner whatsoever that we will never accept the fait accompli which was foisted upon us. It will continue to be alien and unwanted until it disappears. Accepting the fait accompli would mean the liquidation of the rights of the people of Palestine to their homeland, their country, their properties, their holy places and their hopes and aspirations.
77. The Arab people of Palestine remain first and foremost the legitimate owners of Palestine, in spite of their expulsion from their homeland, living in refugee camps on a few cents a day. In spite of the objectives of the Mandate system, which was contrived in 1922, ostensibly for the purpose of enabling a big Power to prepare the indigenous people of Palestine for self-determination, it was in fact manipulated and subordinated for the fragmentation of the indigenous people and their expulsion from their ancestral homeland.
78. On the eve of the Mandate, the population of Palestine was 94 per cent Moslem and Christian, while the Jewish population was less than 6 per cent, mostly of Oriental ethnic origin, speaking Arabic, with customs and traditions similar to those of the Moslem and Christian population. Those were the conditions which prevailed in Palestine on the eve of the Mandate. What were the conditions prevailing at the termination of the Mandate? The answer is clear and well known to all of you, and I need not go over it again.
79. Accepting the fait accompli would mean perverting all our sacred beliefs, which constitute the cornerstone of our worldly and spiritual life. Accepting the fait accompli would simply mean our willingness to force the indigenous people of Palestine to pay for the crimes and persecution that were perpetrated thousands of miles away from that country, by a people in no way connected with the people of Palestine and for reasons completely alien to our thinking and our way of life.
80. Accepting the fait accompli would mean condoning usurpation and domination, and whitewashing the long chain of terror and crime, while accepting the massive, deceptive propaganda which has clouded the truth behind a thick layer of lies and chicanery. An outstanding example of this world-wide campaign of deception and perversion undertaken by the aggressor is the endeavour to project the Arab people as aggressive and fanatic, while at the same time the aggressor claims to be peace-loving, civilized, democratic, and eager to coexist in security and peace. This is in fact one of the far-reaching fallacies which, most unfortunately, have been accepted by many.
81. Do we in fact find in the present, the near or the distant past, any proof substantiating the aggressor’s claims and pretences? It is pertinent to recall the historical record of the Arabs during the last thousand years. The Arabs have always been seekers after peace and Justice and have set the best example of tolerance and love. The Arabs spread Islam throughout the world. Wherever they settled they were known for their tolerance, understanding and desire for peace and coexistence.
82. Did they in fact preach fanaticism, intolerance, extremism and aggression? They could have imposed Islam on many peoples in the East and West without much effort. However, history indicates something totally different. It recalls how many minorities enjoyed a peaceful life under Arab and Moslem rule and equal rights and opportunities with their fellow Moslem nationals.
83. Have the aggressors who spread their deceptive propaganda forgotten that many of their co-religionists, in spite of all the tribulations and upheavals resulting from their aggression, still live in those same Arab countries, enjoying full rights in all walks of life?
84. Having reviewed the conditions that brought about the imposition of the Israeli cabal in Palestine, it is not at all surprising for us to find a sinister and ugly record of massacres, terror and aggression. The records of the United Nations and its related bodies contain examples of hundreds upon hundreds of crimes, of terror and bloodshed, of serious breaches and flouting of the United Nations resolutions and of international law and human rights. Such behaviour is endemic and not alien to the usurpers in Palestine.
85. We regret the ugly impact of these aggressive acts, which breed further aggression unless they are deterred and met by force. We further regret that such flouting and challenging, unless checked and contained immediately and effectively, only whet the perpetrators’ appetite and their desire to go on committing further aggression with arrogance and pugnacity.
86. It was to be expected that the aggression committed against the Arab people of Palestine in 1948, which continued escalating without being deterred or contained, should once again try to re-assert itself. And it led to naked armed aggression not only against the rest of what remained of Palestine and its people, but also against the citizens and the territories of three contiguous Arab countries.
87. When we characterize Israel as an aggressive, criminal gang, we are not deviating by one iota from the truth. Furthermore, this is neither our innovation nor a mere reflection of our thinking. The evidence speaks for itself and is projected for all to see.
88. The result of the recent aggression is still in existence in spite of its ugliness and bestiality. The Zionist military machine is still in possession of the territories of Arab countries. The indigenous people of Palestine still live in the refugee camps away from their homes. The Holy City of Jerusalem still suffers under the oppression of the occupying forces which have transformed the Holy Places of the Moslems and Christians into bars, cabarets and dance-halls.
89. This is what is taking place. This is taking place in spite of the Charter and its provisions. This is taking place in spite of two resolutions
unanimously adopted by the General Assembly and in spite of the tens of resolutions that were taken on the refugee question. This is taking place in spite of all the affirmations and declarations made here and there to uphold political sovereignty and territorial integrity.
90. One may ask if there is any necessity, after the nature, quality, behaviour, thinking and activities of Israel and its leaders have been thus set forth, to point out the responsibilities of the United Nations in the present crisis and at this session, and what is to be expected of it in coming to a decision and settling the problem without wavering, without hesitation.
91. Before answering such a question it is imperative to pose the following question: are we living in fact in the era of the United Nations, or are we living under the law of the jungle, using the language of armed force, occupation, usurpation and annexation? Is there an honest desire, one may ask, for this Organization to continue to exist and progress, implementing its objectives which represent what humanity, has set as its supreme goals and ideals? Or is it permissible to set obstacles in its way, allowing it to drift and founder, thus letting humanity lose its most precious hopes and aspirations in life, in a world where peace and security should prevail?
92. The naked aggression inflicted upon the Arabs of Palestine in 1948 continued to escalate until the world was suddenly faced, on 5 June, with a new destructive wave of aggression. The consequences of the latest aggression still exist today. In fact, those who planned and executed this naked, armed aggression gloat most arrogantly on every occasion that they are determined to hold on to the fruits of their aggression. An outstanding example of their repeated, impudently made declarations is their assertion that the annexation of the Holy City of Jerusalem is final, not subject to any negotiation, and that the United Nations is not competent to interfere in this matter.
93. Are you aware of the causes that brought about this new wave of naked aggression that took place on 5 June and the circumstances that made it possible? The answer is that this Organization has failed most regrettably as a result of the interference and the manoeuvres of the big Powers during the last twenty years, which made it impossible to take deterrent action. Furthermore, it has failed because it did not act in accordance with the provisions of its Charter and did not assert its power, its authority and its dignity.
94. Does this Organization in reality wish to be a party to the perpetuation of this painful role? Does this Organization wish to succumb once again and act obsequiously, overlooking aggression and crime and thus preparing the stage for another wave of aggression? It is a fact that our first and basic duty in the current circumstances is to act resolutely and effectively to liquidate the consequences of the aggression of 5 June. And I repeat: it is imperative that all the consequences of the aggression of 5 June be eradicated. This is a basic step, and a matter of principle permitting no vacillation, procrastination or compromise.
95. If indeed there is an earnest desire for peace to prevail, and if, in fact, there is a need to emerge from this impasse which may push the world into a holocaust, we feel that we are in duty bound to put the United Nations — and in particular the big Powers, with their prestige and capabilities, which helped in many ways to perpetrate the tragedy suffered by the people of Palestine for the last twenty years — face to face with its immense responsibilities and fundamental duties in this crucial period.
96. There are two approaches in dealing with the problem. The first approach is that of reason, justice and equity. The alternative to this course is bound to lead to an explosion engulfing the Arab world.
97. There is no need for equivocation or subterfuge. Accordingly we declare clearly and emphatically, for all to know and understand, that the Arab peoples everywhere are in a state of restlessness and turmoil and might explode at any minute, with far-reaching consequences not only for the Middle East but also for the world. This is so because of the interrelation and inter-connexion of the international interests that exist in our area. This upheaval is the result of the continued military occupation of the Arab territories, the desecration of the Holy Places and the expulsion of the Arab people from their homeland. So far the Arab people have shown utmost restraint, giving the United Nations its last opportunity to assert its authority, which it is hoped will be done in accordance with justice and equity. It is for the United Nations to choose.
98. Sooner or later justice is bound to prevail. Unless the United Nations takes the initiative it will lose its opportunity and conditions will get out of hand and beyond the control of any Power; all settlements eventually will fail. For if the United Nations loses this final opportunity and fails again to deter the aggressor, then and only then will the Arab people resolve the problem in' the manner well known to them.
99. Let no. one imagine that the massive world-wide propaganda spread by the aggressor, in which the 5 June aggression is depicted as a brilliant victory and a display of strength, will deter the Arab people or make them lose their faith in themselves, in the justice of their cause, or in their ability to resist, no matter how long it takes to achieve their just objective by all possible means.
100. I wish to make clear to you, Sir, and to the representatives in this august body our under standing, of the myth of the fait accompli and the lapse of time. The fait accompli which no force on this earth can alter is that Palestine is an Arab homeland. It is part and parcel, it is the heart, of the Arab world. It has been so and it shall continue to be so irrespective of aggression, irrespective of the lapse of time and irrespective of any military might.
101. Furthermore, I wish to reiterate in this Assembly that Jerusalem is the second holy city for hundreds of millions of Moslems throughout the world; it is the city where Jesus Christ preached. It suffered during its history from many foreign invasions which lasted for long or short periods, but eventually it was liberated by the valour of its sons. It has continued to be at all times an Arab city reflecting the finest in Arab tradition, tolerance and peace.
102. Jerusalem never lost its Arab characteristics — not even during the seventy years of occupation by the Crusaders. That remained so even during a period when the Moslem calls for prayers from the minarets were neither permitted nor heard. But Jerusalem eventually returned to the Arabs, enjoying the calls for prayer and the toll of church bells once more.
103. Today Jerusalem is again denied all this; it will not continue to be so for long. Yes, Jerusalem will never lose its Arab characteristics and will not turn its back on long centuries of illustrious Arab history merely because a certain misguided journalist, labouring under sinister delusions, conspired seventy years ago to establish Jerusalem as the capital of a State for Jews gathered from all over the world. Furthermore, Jerusalem will continue to retain its Arab characteristics in spite of the evil thoughts and crimes of that journalist and in spite of his thwarted dreams and the attempts that are being made to achieve his goal.
104. Ninety-nine Member State shave declared [resolutions 2253 (ES-V) and 2254 (ES-V)] their clear and unequivocal stand on Jerusalem. The aggressor at the same time, in a most insolent and intransigent manner, has taken the stand well known to all. It is now up to the United Nations to take its stand, face the challenge and assert its existence and dignity.