1. Mr. President, I extend to you my sincere congratulations on your election as President of this Assembly, and also an expression of my confidence in your ability to execute your difficult duties during this session to the satisfaction of all Member States. Further, I pledge to you an attitude of responsibility and co-operation by my country in your task of handling the affairs of this Assembly. Your distinguished predecessor handled with great ability the twenty-first session, the fifth special session on South West Africa and the fifth emergency special session on the Middle East concerning the basic issues of peace, justice and security to which we are all dedicated and to which we also know you will be equally dedicated.
2. I speak to you today as the proud representative of a small country a long way away. Lesotho is one of the poorest countries in the world entirely surrounded by one of the richest. We are just under 1 million people all speaking one language — Sesotho. Our country is an enclave in the Republic of South Africa, which is, I think, a unique situation. No other truly sovereign State in the world is entirely surrounded by another State, As a result, our problems are unique and require unique solutions.
3. As yet, Lesotho has no industries; we depend on agriculture and pastoral farming. Our economy is closely linked with that of South Africa, Botswana and Swaziland. With these countries, we form a customs union, which is an important source of income to us. In addition, we all use the same currency. About 200,000 Lesotho citizens are currently employed in the mines, industries and farms of South Africa, South Africa also provides virtually the only market for our exports.
4. Geographically and economically, therefore, we are an integral part of south Africa. It was, indeed, the original intention of our former colonial masters that Lesotho should eventually be politically integrated into South Africa, But despite all these pressures, and despite the inequality of the struggle, we maintained our identity as a nation throughout the period of British rule, and we successfully resisted incorporation with South Africa. It is, therefore, unthinkable that we could ever contemplate having our independent country annexed to the Republic.
5. It is my appeal to this Assembly that our actions and our policies be judged in the light of the hard facts of life. Our relationship with the Republic of South Africa is a matter of geographical, historical and economic necessity. These circumstances entitle us to the sympathy and understanding of all Members of this august body when they consider our situation, I trust that sympathy will be forthcoming today. A basic purpose of the United Nations is the rejection of force as a solution to international disagreement, and the promotion of international harmony and understanding by rational discussion. We in Lesotho subscribe wholeheartedly to these aspirations. On grounds of principle alone, therefore, we cannot contemplate adopting a belligerent and hostile attitude towards South Africa. In practice, the disparity in resources and our geographical position make such a course unthinkable. If we were so ill-advised as to pursue that course, then we and the African peoples of South Africa would be the first to suffer the consequences — consequences that would not befall those who, from a safe distance and either in ignorance of or without reflection on the facts of our situation, urge us to adopt impossible policies.
6. As a freely elected Government, our first duty is to our people. Our primary task is that which faces the founders of any nation — that which some of you present here have experienced — namely, to survive. We are fighting for our national survival, and we shall survive. More than that, we shall survive without compromising our basic principles. We yield to no one in our rejection of apartheid and all it signifies. We, of all people, can claim a first-hand experience of its effects.
7. You cannot build Utopia overnight, and you cannot ignore the facts of geography and of economics. Necessity makes strange bedfellows. In material matters, in matters which deeply concern the daily life and wellbeing of every one of my fellow countrymen, Lesotho and South Africa have many vital interests in common. In pursuing these common interests in a realistic and practical way, we hope to achieve a mutual understanding which will benefit not only ourselves but all the peoples of Africa, including our own brothers In South Africa.
8. It is my firm conviction that the best and indeed the only feasible way of combating apartheid is by gradual and peaceful methods. One such method, especially for those who are the Republic's immediate neighbours, is to demonstrate by example that the new African Governments can run their own affairs with competence, assurance and stability. Finally—and this is perhaps the most important of all—the independent African Governments can set the Republic an example of racial tolerance and racial harmony. Threats against the Whites in the Republic will merely reinforce their lager mentality and harden their resistance to any kind of change.
9. The only way to bring real and salutary changes in the Republic is by example and the cultivation of realistic relationships. By maintaining a bridge between South Africa and the outside world we are permitting a dialogue to continue. Where there is no communication there can be no hope of progress.
10. A little more than a year ago, with these thoughts in mind, I met the former South African Premier, Dr. Verwoerd, and had four hours' discussion with him as man to man. Some four months later I met Mr. Vorster, his successor, on the same basis, and we had an equally frank exchange of views. No serious observer of African affairs would deny that these meetings amounted to a break-through of historical significance. Important and beneficial consequences have already flowed from them.
11. I am confident that if we independent States in southern Africa are given a fair chance, we can, by mutual understanding and co-operation with others in the region, do much to promote peaceful and stable international relations, not only in that region but ultimately throughout Africa. But if, on the other hand, the dialogue between myself and my counterparts in the Republic of South Africa is to be disrupted, then the foundations of mutual understanding which we have already laid down will be destroyed. In Lesotho we would have to abandon our hopes for economic progress and security, while in South Africa what seems to be a most promising reappraisal of attitudes would come to nothing.
12. I have tried to show you something of the problems confronting a small country endeavouring to find its place in the community of free nations. May I, at this stage, venture of speak for all the smaller countries, Including those which have recently been somewhat derisively categorized as the "mini-States", Implicit in this description is the suggestion that they have no place in the international community, that they should forthwith surrender sovereignty and national identity and accept incorporation in some large political entity.
13. I have three comments to make upon that view. The first, as I have already indicated, is that my people did not struggle for over a hundred years to achieve anonymity and oblivion. Secondly, I believe that such a view does not truly reflect the collective opinion of this Assembly and that it would violate the spirit and intention of the United Nations Charter. Thirdly, I believe that the smaller States have a specific and vital contribution to offer in the field of international relations. In an age of rapid technological advance, vast organizations, global concepts and grand generalizations, it is too easily and too generally forgotten that the end-purpose of all government must be the well-being of individual men and women. Collectively as a world body, individually as national leaders, our first duty is to meet their simple and basic need for food, for physical security, for freedom from pain, for personal fulfilment. The present state of the world does not suggest that this duty is being effectively discharged. We must all share in the common responsibility for failure. The Governments of the great Powers tend, I think, to survey the world from the mountain-tops. We of the little countries see it from the grass-roots. Both perspectives have their limitations and their validities. But we, in the smaller and less-developed communities are particularly concerned with people and with the basic problems of human existence. We can, therefore, provide a constant reminder of the human realities underlying discussion in this Assembly. This is, I think, a necessary function. I would also suggest that the great Powers have no necessary monopoly of political wisdom. You will remember that the philosophies which underly our modern political institutions and the very vocabulary we use in discussing them had their origins two thousand or more years ago in city-states far smaller than any nation represented here today.
14. If the right of the small States to continued existence is accepted, as I believe it must be, then it is not sufficient merely to tolerate their existence. The major Powers — the super-Powers — must also resolve to respect their sovereignty and their integrity, and to refrain from using them as pawns in a global conflict. Today the government of every emergent country is apparently regarded as a legitimate target for subversion inspired, directed and financed from foreign but nominally "friendly" sources. It Is regrettable that some of the new States have themselves become willing tools in these manoeuvres, allowing their territories to be used as bases for subversive operations against their neighbours. Let there be no mistake here. Whatever the ideological justification, the whole concept of national sovereignty is under attack. It is a concept which cannot be applied selectively. If the attack succeeds, the newly independent States will be the first to suffer, and not one of their Governments will be secure. The ultimate consequence of external interference is reached when the emergent countries become physical battle-grounds in which the major Powers test their armed might without the risks of direct confrontation and total commitment. We have no illusions about the consequences to ourselves of a third world war — of a nuclear war. But surely the safety-valve for tensions created by international rivalry is sincere and rational discussion within the framework of this great Organization. It cannot be the slaughter of the unsophisticated and under-privileged and the devastation of the underdeveloped regions. If it is possible for the major Powers to reach agreement on the control of nuclear weapons and the exploration of outer space, they can surely agree to exclude the Third World from the scope of their conflict. Given such agreement, they would then be in a position to fulfil, in earnest, their declared desire to assist in the economic and social advancement of the poorer, under-developed nations.
15. In this field of peaceful and constructive endeavour, so much remains to be done. We in Lesotho embarked upon political independence lacking the minimum equipment necessary for economic and social development. Our inheritance was one of poverty and ignorance. Our resources are so limited that we are often unable to accept aid offered to us because we cannot afford the modest, but necessary, counterpart contribution required. The basic economic needs of the emergent countries are capital and technical skills. The problems of capital formation in an economy such as ours are immense. We do not, however, ask for charity. We know that continued dependence on external aid is incompatible with political sovereignty. We also appreciate the limitations of external aid in promoting a viable economy. But what we do seek is initial aid to "prime the pump", and a realistic, business-like interest in whatever opportunities for productive investment we can offer.
16. As for technical skills, we value highly the services of the experts and advisers from the developed nations which are placed at our disposal by a variety of organizations. Even more, we value the opportunities granted to us for the technical education and training of our own people. I must express my particular appreciation of the aid given to us in these ways by the various United Nations agencies. It has been invaluable, and we look forward to close and continuous co-operation with these bodies in the future.
17. I wonder if there is any country represented here that can claim to be perfect, I doubt it, because if that were the case, why all these troubles in many countries of the world? The answer is simple: there is no perfection. There must be something wrong somewhere with many countries, although the mistakes might not be of the same nature. Member States would be wise to cease accusing one another, and instead find a common ground, to view objectively the mistakes which exist in almost all of us.
18. We are all Members of the United Nations because we all agree on the good principles on which the United Nations was founded and also the good Articles of the Charter of the United Nations, and we have all pledged ourselves to abide by them. But the question is: do we, in practice, really abide by the provisions of the Charter? If so, why all this snarling, grabbing and tearing one another to pieces in these cruel wars which are causing much bloodshed and destruction of the human race? Why the denial of the right of people to choose a government of their own liking? In my own country, I would even be prepared to create an opposition if there was not one. The Constitution of Lesotho contains an entrenched Bill of Rights.
19. One of the cornerstones of United Nations policy is that of non-interference in the internal affairs of other States. Yet non-interference does not mean lack of concern when we see Member States of this Organization pursuing policies that run contrary to its Charter, with regard not only to race policies but also to colonial situations.
20. As regards Southern Rhodesia, let me make several points perfectly clear. Firstly, we do not recognize the present illegal regime, and we subscribe wholeheartedly to the doctrine of majority rule. Secondly, we believe that the ultimate responsibility for restoring legality rests with the British Government. Thirdly, we do not believe that force or violence can provide a solution to this problem. We accept, although with some reluctance, the application of sanctions, because we are obliged by the provisions of the United Nations Charter to do so, and we will honour our obligation. But terrorism we deplore and condemn without reservation. Finally, we can foresee only the most disastrous consequences if the Rhodesia situation is allowed to escalate, either in economic or political terms. Those consequences would be especially disastrous for the African peoples of southern Africa, for one million of whom my Government has a direct and inescapable responsibility.
21. The situation in Angola and Mozambique is very disturbing and ominous for the future of southern Africa. We wish to warn Portugal as the Administering Authority of those Territories that its policies may also have extremely dangerous consequences, for already many States experience tension in their relations with Portugal, simply because of its colonial policy — because colonialism is always so unjust and unrealistic that it automatically raises barriers to normal relations between States. And such barriers, my Government believes, can be removed only by the granting of freedom and independence to the people who are still living under colonialism.
22. The Government of Lesotho has given long consideration to the question of China's representation in the United Nations and has come to the conclusion that it is far too complex to allow for the simple solutions which have been proposed in recent years. There is no doubt that the issue raises fundamental questions in the minds of all who consider it, but there is a danger that in the final analysis both those who are for the seating of Peking and those who are against it may overlook some of the realities of the problem. My Government is concerned that the solution of the problem should be a just solution, in the sense that it must give due cognizance to all the factors pertaining to the situation.
23. It would appear to us manifestly unjust if the representatives from the Republic of China were to be expelled from this Organization, as some Members have suggested, because such action, in our view, would merely create greater problems than the ones it is intended to solve, It is for this Organization to be constructive in building a peaceful and harmonious world, and such a task cannot be achieved by the gratuitous expulsion of some representatives. Such a step would be destructive, and nothing that could be done afterwards could repair the damage done to the integrity of the United Nations. Moreover, the representatives from Nationalist China have always adhered to the provisions of the Charter: they have fulfilled their obligations and, indeed, have played a constructive role during the entire history of the United Nations. To interfere with their membership and role in this Organization would indeed affect the principles of the Charter. That is why we believe that the question of Chinese representation is an important question within the meaning of Article 18. The only solution that will be acceptable to my delegation is one which will guarantee the right of the delegation from Nationalist China to remain in this Organization.
24. The Organization has been faced over the years with the problems of the divided countries of Korea and Germany. After studying closely the situation in each area and hearing the arguments in favour either of change or of retaining the present arrangements, I am convinced that the United Nations can help the peoples of the two areas only marginally, and on condition that the peoples concerned recognize the competence of the United Nations to assist in such matters. Until that happens the United Nations Organization can deal only with those areas where it has been accorded proper recognition. In order to retain its dignity and prestige, the United Nations must endeavour to offer practical solutions to problems and thereafter do all in its power to ensure that the correct implementation is carried out. Fellow Members of this Organization should feel themselves obliged to abide by the decisions taken.
25. The Southwest Africa question, like the Rhodesian one, is a question whose developments my Government follows with deep concern. As in the case of Southern Rhodesia, we acknowledge our obligations, under the United Nations Charter, to accept the decision of the Security Council and General Assembly, but we are also deeply conscious of being geographically close to the problem and its possible consequences.
26. I wish to express to the Secretary-General of the United Nations and his assistants in the UNCTAD Secretariat the best wishes of my Government for the success of the Second Session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development to be held in New Delhi next February and to pledge my Government's support of its conclusions. We believe that the Conference will provide another opportunity to reach concrete agreements in the crucial areas of aid and trade, especially from the point of view of the developing countries of the world, which have so much at stake in the outcome of the Conference. The economic and social well-being of Governments and peoples is one of the pillars of our concepts of justice, and peace with justice must include economic justice, which is one of the conditions for peace.
27. Coming as I do from a geographically awkward area, the major responsibility of the United Nations in the development of international law for our contemporary world seems to me to be quite fundamental. We are an enclave within South Africa, and the problems we face are acute. For example, what are the rights of the citizens of Lesotho when it comes to transit to enable them to reach the outside world? What are the laws which govern this situation? This responsibility of the United Nations to develop international law is very urgent because of the new international relationships which are currently developing within the Organization, in regional associations, and in bilateral relations between States. We feel that all the changes must be accommodated within the framework of international law.
28. Equally, there is a need for the review of the composition, the functions, and the authority of the institutions which interpret and apply international law. It is imperative, and clearly in the interest of world peace and order, that the relations which we seek to foster between States be governed by clearly defined regulations. Furthermore, the Secretary-General has already warned about a disturbing tendency for States to take unilateral decisions on grounds of national interests without regard to commitments previously entered into and without regard to the significance of the main provisions of the Charter to which we all subscribe. There cannot toe justice in chaos and we believe that all possible efforts must be made to restore respect for international law.
29. Recent voyages by man into outer space must also serve to remind us of the potential of our achievements in this world if only we dedicate the use of all our knowledge, our common resources, and our trust in one another to the common good of all mankind. It is this fact that accounts for our faith and hope in the United Nations.
30. It would not be proper for me to come to the end of my speech without expressing my full support of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and my sympathy with its aims and aspirations. The reason why Lesotho joined the OAU was our belief in the principle of African unity. I would advise all African nations and people in this Organization that to achieve this unity we must refrain from interference in the internal affairs of other States, In this respect I wish to convey to the Secretary-General my full support of the words in his address to the fourth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organisation of African Unity, held at Kinshasa from 11 to 14 September, in which he stated that African leaders must be more international and less African in their outlook. We, the nations of Africa, would do well to pay heed to what he said, and if we could bring ourselves to abide by his advice we should benefit greatly. It is also appropriate for me to refer to the resolution passed at the OAU conference with regard to the condemnation of financial support given by other States to opposition parties, and with a sense of pride I pledge my full support of this resolution because in it I see a move in the direction of more reality and responsibility in Africa.
31. Although the work of decolonization properly belongs to the United Nations, we have no objection at all if the OAU helps by using its influence to achieve decolonization within the shortest possible period. What concerns us is that some Member States resort to means which cannot be acceptable to us—for example, giving financial support to opposition parties and also helping to train young men from member countries in guerrilla warfare and sabotage with the aim of overthrowing colonial Governments, only to find later that when they have nothing to do they turn against duly elected Governments. It is wrong to assume that some African Governments are more African than others, It is also wrong and contrary to the Charter to assume that all African Governments must think alike simply because they are all Africans.
32. I should like to touch on a matter in respect of which Lesotho has come in for what I consider to be some unjustified and ill-informed criticism. I refer to our refugee problem. It has always been the policy of the Government of Lesotho to render as much assistance as possible to refugees from South Africa residing in Lesotho. In return, the refugees must desist from indulging in domestic party politics and stirring up political unrest against their host Government. This policy was clearly outlined in the speech of His Majesty King Moshoeshoe II at the third session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held at Addis Ababa in November 1966, when he said:
"There is one further problem of concern to us all, with which our Government is most preoccupied at this moment. It is that of political refugees. We, in Lesotho, will always be ready to welcome and give asylum to those courageous and unfortunate men and women who, because of their devotion to their principles, have been driven to seek refuge in a country other than their own. Our people are proud of their record in this respect. The conditions we have laid down are the bare minimum necessary for our own security and their welfare. We have in Lesotho a number of political refugees who are happily employed in commerce, industry, journalism and even in our Civil Service, For our own security, however, we must distinguish carefully between such people and the criminal refugees who deliberately seek to exploit our hospitality, to subvert and destroy our peace for their own purposes. We have no intention of expelling genuine and law-abiding political refugees, but if they themselves wish to leave us we would be prepared to assist them by taking up the question of an airlift with the Government of South Africa. Whatever happens, no political refugee will be handed over to South Africa."
33. In accordance with its declared policy on refugees, the Government of Lesotho, even during our internal crisis last December, when we suspected that certain refugees were actively involved in trying to subvert my Government, stuck to its promise that no political refugees would be forcibly returned to South Africa. Pursuant to this policy, the Government of Lesotho recently obtained transit rights and paid the expenses of sending one man and his family to Zambia and another to Kenya.
34. Last May, in my capacity as Minister for Foreign Affairs, I met Dr. Muller, the South African Minister for Foreign Affairs, and it has since been confirmed that safe passage will be granted to twenty-five refugees who applied through my Government to the South African Government to be allowed to leave Lesotho for other countries. The South African Government has further confirmed that it will be prepared to consider sympathetically other applications from refugees for similar safe passage. This agreement was achieved only because my Government had maintained relations with South Africa at the level on which I was able to negotiate. It should also be pointed out that only twenty-five refugees have elected to leave, whilst more than one hundred, although they are not citizens of Lesotho, prefer to remain.
35. I must, however, make it clear that in spite of the assistance given to refugees, our national interest comes first. We cannot allow our country to be used as a spring-board for attacks against South Africa. However, having made the necessary arrangements for the refugees to leave Lesotho, we sincerely trust that other African countries will co-operate in granting asylum to them.
36. In conclusion, my talk would not be complete and constructive if I were not to give what we think could be the solution .to all these troubles. The root cause of all these conflicts seems to be that although much has been achieved in the fields of science and technology, very little has been done to develop the human mind to think correctly and be considerate, and perceive that compromise is the essence of all politics. What we are trying to point out is that the human mind is still inclined to look down upon the less fortunate and even wish to dispossess them by the use of force of what rightly belongs to them, whilst the less fortunate envy the prosperous ones and for that reason fail to consider world problems objectively and rather rely on their power of voting. Those who consider themselves more progressive than others believe right thinking to be their own monopoly to the exclusion of the less progressive, which is wrong in principle, because each one is free to think as he pleases. It is my belief that our little country of Lesotho, distant, poor and insignificant as it may appear, by virtue of the very geography and history to which it owes its creation and its problems has an important role to play in providing a link between South Africa and the rest of the world. At the same time our primary task remains to survive.