63. Mr. President, the world Assembly of nations is gathered again for the twenty-second time to debate the various international issues at hand and to work out solutions to the problems confronting us. The problems on our slate for this regular session are no less in number and seriousness than in the past, though the emphasis may differ in degree according to the circumstances. With this taken into account, the one elected to preside over this important gathering receives tacit recognition from all of us and from the countries we represent. May I, on behalf of my delegation, extend our congratulations lo you, Mr. President, for having been elected to the Presidency of the General Assembly at its twenty-second session, and express our confidence that with your wisdom, perseverance, and forbearance you will be able to conduct the deliberations in our present proceedings to a happy and smooth conclusion.
64. May I also, on behalf of my delegation, take this opportunity to express our appreciation for the patient and efficient manner in which the outgoing President, Ambassador Pazhwak, has steered the course of the twenty-first regular session of the General Assembly to its conclusion. It has not gone unnoticed by my delegation that under his tenure of office as President of the General Assembly, the United Nations has held the fifth special session and the fifth emergency special session, throughout all of which his patience has proved equal to the complications of the issues before us. To him go our congratulations for a job well done.
65. The Organization, as I indicated earlier, is beset with a variety of international problems and the items as outlined in the agenda for this session may be an apt barometer indicating the magnitude of the problems the United Nations is expected to resolve, and the priority we shall place on them.
66. As my delegation sees it, the question of war and peace seems to merit the highest priority for obvious reasons, lest further injustice against one section of the human community be silently tolerated or continued sufferings by men, women and children be condoned, often through no fault of their own. I am referring in particular to the problem of the Middle East which has yet to be resolved by this world Organization promptly and with justice.
67. With the passing of time the question as to who directed the first shot has now become an academic one. But the consequence of that first short, or to put it in its true perspective, the pre-emptive attack by Israel, has caused much grave concern in the Arab countries, while the very political map of the Middle East is undergoing a drastic change.
68. This aggressive change of a political status quo imposed upon another party by military might should not be condoned, especially by a world Organization such as this. Such an act may create a precedent or generate a chain reaction which would jeopardize the very foundation of the security of small nations, as well as the peace and stability of any given region.
69. On the humanitarian plane, the United Nations Belief and Works Agency, the Red Cross and other benevolent bodies have done whatever they could to alleviate the hardships that the Arab refugees are undergoing resulting from the war, which Is the third within the last twenty years. The plight of the refugees deserves our urgent attention and financial assistance. My delegation would hope that a fair and early solution could be envisaged during our present session; but the military solution as imposed by Israel on the Arab countries in June of this year Is certainly not the one that will ensure a lasting peace and continued stability in the area.
70. On the question of Viet-Nam the Malaysian delegation associates itself with the unanimous hope which has already been expressed in this Assembly that all peaceful avenues should be urgently and energetically pursued in order to bring this tragic conflict to an end, It must be our genuine endeavour as a matter of the highest priority to bring the parties Involved to the conference table so that the people of Viet-Nam can resolve their differences through peaceful negotiations on the basis of the principle that all States have the right to an independent existence, without interference from any other States in their territorial integrity or political independence.
71. Like most if not all of the Member States whose representatives are present here today, Malaysia has always upheld the principles as adopted by the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. My delegation will speak regarding small territories at the appropriate Committees during the present session when the time comes. But I wish to emphasize the need for urgent action on the part of the United Nations and for more co-operation, particularly from the big Powers, to help bring about true Independence to Territories such as Southern Rhodesia, Angola, Mozambique, so-called Portuguese Guinea and South West Africa. My delegation, along with others in this Organization, holds to the principle of "one man, one vote" for Southern Rhodesia, and holds that the Illegal regime of Ian Smith should be brought to an end immediately. My delegation also shares the aspiration of all Africans who desire the freedom and independence of the colonies of Angola, Mozambique, and so-called Portuguese Guinea, and repudiates the Portuguese contention that those Territories are overseas provinces of Portugal.
72. With particular reference to South West Africa, the Mandate of the Territory came to an end with the adoption of General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI). But the South African Government, as Members are all aware, has made it public that it would not take cognizance of this United Nations decision. The Council on South West Africa has been formed by this Assembly in resolution 2248 of 14 June 1967, but we have yet to implement that decision. This is one field in which the big Powers could play a positive and constructive role to ensure the implementation of the General Assembly resolution, which was adopted by an overwhelming majority. Unfortunately, although we all appear to uphold the principle of decolonization, yet our approach to the implementation of such a course of action has proved to be at variance, as evidenced in our compromised resolution 2145 (XXI), in resolution 2248 (S-V) and in the discussion at the 1516th plenary meeting.
73. The policy of apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa, which indeed is a sorry landmark in the socio-political history of our time, is without doubt spreading its evil effects to South West Africa. The struggle for freedom and independence in South West Africa becomes more urgent when seen in the light of our desperate need to eliminate this abhorrent practice of colour discrimination. If this policy of apartheid is allowed to go unchecked, the fear that it may find fertile ground in Southern Rhodesia could be very real.
74. On the question of apartheid the co-operation of the major trading partners of South Africa is essential to implement the relevant United Nations resolutions. We reiterate again our concern at the growing disappointment of coloured peoples and countries of the world that the strong and industrialized countries of the West, that happen to be white and have in them the power to bring about constructive changes in southern Africa, do not appear to be seriously interested in seeing the course of Justice triumph there. This, if unchecked, would have a most serious and terrible repercussion in relations among nations in time to come.
75. For all its shortcomings, the United Nations remains the principal world Organization on which Member States are placing their hopes for the maintenance of peace and security in the world. Of immediate concern to this aspect of the United Nations work are the peace-keeping operations. The founder Members of this august body might have regarded this particular activity as of the utmost importance for its existence.
76. But while virtually all of us agree on the need for the United Nations to play a positive role in its peacekeeping operations, the divergence of opinions on various aspects of the peace-keeping operations, such as their authorization, implementation and especially financing has never been so great on any other item of our agenda. The deadlock on this issue in the last regular session of the General Assembly is still clear in our mind and the repetition of our inability to work out an acceptable resolution in the fifth special session in May this year reiterated the total lack of sufficient common ground among Member States on this crucial issue. The need on the other hand for the continuance of United Nations peace-keeping operations has proved to be, if anything, even greater and more urgent with the outbreak of hostilities in the Middle East on 4 June.
77. The presence of the United Nations Emergency Force, which has been opposed by some countries, has shown itself to be a deterrent force and fully effective in the maintenance of peace and stability in turbulent areas. With more positive thinking and less fear and suspicion on the part of Member States directly interested or remotely concerned, the United Nations Emergency Force may yet in the future play its proper and more effective peace-keeping role, which we at present merely hope but find difficult wholeheartedly to support. Basing ourselves on the analogy that prevention is better than cure, it might not be too late to have United Nations peace-keeping operations in troubled areas so as to preserve peace and security and to discourage adventurism or acts of wanton aggression by Powers that have the might against those that do not. The presence of such an international peace-keeping machinery would be reassuring to those countries directly threatened or distantly affected but equally interested in the preservation of peace and security everywhere.
78. One ray of hope in the murky horizon of world problems is the draft treaty on non-proliferation tabled by the Soviet Union and the United States of America. We have all waited a long time for this. Imperfect though the present draft is, we welcome this important ‘ event. We therefore earnestly hope that agreement will be reached, especially on the vital safeguard clause, and reached soon. If the present momentum is lost so, I fear, will be our opportunity to stop the spread of nuclear weapons. We must, in the words of Shakespeare, take the tide when it is at the flood, or lose in our ventures.
79. At the same time my delegation is aware of and sympathetic to the difficulties that some Member States have in relation to the present draft treaty. May I, however, be permitted to make two observations very briefly. First, until we are convinced that there is a difference in technology between the development of nuclear weapons and peaceful explosives, my delegation must favour a treaty against the proliferation of all nuclear explosives. Second, it is our impression that there is a general acceptance as regards inspection that there should be a global system under an international agency.
80. The very important question of security has been left out of the draft. We agree that it is a complex problem and may have to be the subject of a separate treaty. It is an issue that merits serious discussion by all concerned, especially those countries that are being asked to sign away their rights to develop nuclear explosives. It was mainly for this reason that my delegation at the twenty-first session supported the resolution [2153 B (XXI)] calling for a conference of non-nuclear weapon States. Events since then, including the draft treaty on non-proliferation, have not changed our attitude on the desirability of convening such a conference, and we hope that nuclear- weapon States will co-operate to make a success of it.
81. In the field of trade and development my delegation is deeply concerned at the slow progress achieved by developing countries, although we are already near the end of the United Nations Development Decade. For too long the pattern of international trade has been determined by the interests of the industrialized nations and we have yet to see any sign of a political will to change this. Much has been said and will continue to be said about the gap between the industrialized countries and the poor developing nations. We do not wish to appear pessimistic, taut we cannot help but feel that with the present rate of progress the gap is never going to be bridged.
82. It will not be for want of trying that developing countries like my own continue to suffer setbacks and difficulties in their economic development plans. I can say without being immodest that my country has tried, and tried very hard, to achieve a strong and viable economy so that the standard of living of the people may be raised. This has been the policy of my Government ever since the country achieved independence ten years ago, and we have been quite successful in our efforts. We have always believed in self-help as much as possible and we have asked for nothing more than fair prices for our exports.
83. One of the basic problems confronting the economy of the developing countries, which are largely producers of primary commodities, is the uneconomic price offered for their products by the industrialized countries. These developing countries receive less for what they largely export, which is in the form of primary commodities, while having to pay more for what they mainly import, which is manufactured goods.
84. With your permission, Sir, I shall take the case of my country in point. Between the years 1960 and 1966, in a period of six years, the unit value of Malaysia's natural rubber export, our important export commodity, dropped by about 38 per cent from an average price of US 35 cents per pound to an average of US 21 cents per pound. Since then the price has declined further and recently reached the low level of US 15 cents per pound, the lowest in eighteen years. Although the volume of rubber export expected for 1967 is estimated to be about 26 per cent more than in 1960, it is sad to note that the estimated export earnings for this year will probably amount to only about two-thirds of the earnings received in 1960. Since the year 1960, Malaysia is suffering from loss of foreign exchange, as a result of the fall in the price of natural rubber, to the tune of $US 1,807 million, which represents more than 57 per cent of our estimated gross natural product for 1967.
85. To illustrate my point further I might add that a drop of one Malaysian cent in the price of natural rubber over the period of one year results in the annual loss of about Malaysian $22 million, equivalent to more than $US7 million, in export earnings. That is not to mention the untold sufferings endured by the small producers, who are gravely affected by the fall in price of this commodity and whose living standard we wish to raise. The rate of unemployment in the Industry has increased and has brought about the attendant socio-economic problems.
86. As a result of the recent abnormal decline of rubber prices, the lowest since 1950, the Government of Malaysia, as one of the major producing countries, views this situation with the gravest concern and, as one of the steps to explore all avenues for stabilizing the price, has invited the producing countries to a meeting at the Malaysian capital, Kuala Lumpur, in order to discuss, examine and agree on joint action to meet this immediate problem and to tackle the long-term problems of the rubber industry. The Conference ended yesterday; the problems, both short-term and long-term, have been clearly identified, and methods of overcoming them have been agreed upon. But the question remains whether the industrialized countries will give reasonable co-operation to the efforts of the producing countries to obtain fair prices and stability for natural rubber? I want to say, in all seriousness, that what we need in Malaysia today are sympathetic and real friends — not synthetic ones.
87. For us in South-East Asia the most hopeful and constructive development In the past year has been the formation of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The leaders of the delegations of what may be described as the ASEAN countries have already made reference to this and the historic meeting in Bangkok in August this year, when members of ASEAN, Indonesia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Malaysia, reaffirmed their desire — and I quote from their declaration — "to establish a firm foundation for common action to promote regional cooperation in South-East Asia in the spirit of equality and partnership and thereby contribute towards peace, progress and prosperity in the region".
88. I wish to state that ASEAN is not a military or a political alliance or a power bloc, nor is it directed against any State or any ideology. Rather it is an association created by South-East Asian countries for South-East Asian countries which are pro-development, pro-regional co-operation, and pro-regional understanding. The association was conceived out of the common desire of the member countries to strengthen good-will and friendship among themselves and to co-operate, particularly in the economic, social and cultural fields, in order — and I quote again from the ASEAN Declaration — "to secure for their peoples and for posterity the blessing of peace, freedom and prosperity".
89. May I conclude by reiterating a fundamental tenet of Malaysian foreign policy. We in Malaysia have always based our external relations on the letter and spirit prescribed by the Charter. We desire above all to be friendly with all nations, regardless of their ideologies and systems of government. We are convinced of the right of each country to choose the system of government and way of life best suited to it. We believe that each country has a right to be free from any form of interference from outside and to respect each other's sovereignty. We believe that nations of the world, of whatever ideological systems can live together in active co-operation for the common pursuit of peace and the economic progress of their peoples.
90. It is in this spirit that Malaysia has conducted her external relations, and it is in this spirit that she will continue to conduct them to promote friendship, understanding and co-operation among all nations for the mutual benefit of all.