1. Mr. President, your unanimous election to the office of President of the General Assembly offers great promise that at this session, which is being held at a time when world peace is endangered, the United Nations will adopt resolutions that will strengthen the spirit of international co-operation and restore tranquility to the peoples. I should like to join in the congratulations that you are receiving on your election.
2. May I also point out that the raison d'être of the United Nations is no other than peace. It was established for the purpose of saving mankind from the scourge of war and its Members resolved to combine their efforts to that end on the basis of the principles of mutual respect and of justice. Our peoples thought that this generation must live in a world of peace and security through the work of the United Nations and the co-operation of all States in the common purposes set forth in the Charter. We accordingly set up machinery for action for the preservation of international peace and security, and the States reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights, in the equality of nations, in the principles of justice and law and in the firm determination to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedoms.
3. The creation of the United Nations meant at that time the dawn of a new era for tormented mankind. But today, considering it objectively, we wonder whether those purposes have been fulfilled, whether peace and security are guaranteed, whether international conduct is firmly based on justice and law, whether social well-being is today an undeniable reality and whether freedom and human rights fully prevail in our community of nations.
4. You all know the answer well. Our conscience tells us that much of what we proclaimed has never got beyond the written word. Men and peoples, who deserve to live in peace and to enjoy the benefits of civilization, free from fear, are fighting with unparalleled passion and are dying on the battle-field, the victims of bombardments or of weapons of mass destruction.
5. Hatred reigns on every side. The States are preparing for war and an unstable balance of arms is only just holding back the threatening shadow of a third world conflagration which any slight incident may unleash. There are regions where Governments and peoples are threatened with destruction. And although the tension between the two great opposing blocs seems to have been somewhat relaxed in recent times, uncertainty prevails.
6. We may therefore ask ourselves what we have done to ensure that the United Nations fulfils its purposes of peace and security. As the representative of a nation that has placed Its faith in the peaceful settlement of disputes, I must state, in all objectivity and calmness, that much of the responsibility for this alarming situation undoubtedly lies, in the first place, with the great Powers, which are acting on the basis of their own economic and political interests and the unjust exploitation of the resources of the world. This alone explains why the incomprehensible war in Viet- Nam is continuing, against the wise judgement of the nations; why a serious and dangerous confrontation is taking place in the Middle East in which it is possible to perceive the operation of the opposing economic and political interests which the Great Powers maintain in that part of the world; and why in America a communist Government which from the Caribbean, beyond the shadow of a doubt, is inciting to subversion and fomenting guerrilla warfare dares to defy the democratic conscience and our free institutions, because it knows that it can count on the armed support of a great Power.
7. The United Nations has just passed through one of the most critical periods since the Second World War. The use of armed force has given rise to a confrontation in a particularly vulnerable region like the Middle East which could easily degenerate into a conflagration of great and unpredictable consequences, for the acts of June 1967 constituted a serious breakdown of international peace and security.
8. With this in mind, Ecuador, together with other Latin American countries, submitted a draft resolution U to the fifth emergency special session of the General Assembly proclaiming respect for the fundamental principles of international law and proposing a just and balanced solution to the Arab-Israel problem designed to produce stable and lasting peace in the Near East. I venture to draw attention to the essential points in that draft resolution, because through their implementation it would be possible to find a solution to the problem: (a) the withdrawal of the Israeli troops to the status quo as in June 1967; (b) the termination of the state of belligerency in the region, which implies the full recognition of the personality and rights of the State of Israel, as also of the Arab States, and a recourse to the peaceful procedures for the settlement of disputes laid down in the Charter; (c) action by the Security Council to supervise the withdrawal of the troops, to guarantee free transit for Israel in the international waterways of the region and to achieve a suitable and complete solution of the problem of the refugees, as also to guarantee the inviolability of the territory and the political independence of the States in the region; and (d) the establishment of an international regime for the city of Jerusalem.
9. It is true that no unanimously acceptable formula was found which would solve the Arab-Israel problem, but it is laid down in a resolution of the General Assembly [2254 (ES-V)] that the measures taken by Israel to change the status of the city of Jerusalem are invalid and that the Assembly's decision that Israel must desist from taking any action which would alter that status still holds good. Similarly, the discussions in the United Nations confirmed the validity of fundamental principles of law, among which the following should be mentioned:
(1) No stable international order can be based on the threat or use of force. There were an overwhelming number of statements rejecting territorial conquest and the retention of occupied territories as a means of pressure for subsequent peace treaties or negotiations. In this respect, there was no doubt about the recognition that the principle of the prohibition of the threat or use of force had been converted into a mandatory rule of international law — jus cogens — when the Briand-Kellogg Pact was signed in 1928, a rule that had subsequently been confirmed in America in the Anti-War Treaty of Non-Aggression and Conciliation known as the Saavedra Lamas, the Charter of the United Nations and the Charter of the Organization of American States.
(2) The condemnation of the use of force and the invalidity of territorial conquest. Hence, the return of territories occupied by force.
(3) Recognition of the right of navigation in international waterways, allowance being made for the right of coastal States to establish the breadth of their territorial sea in conformity with practical criteria and with the need to defend and protect maritime resources.
(4) The mandatory nature of resort to peaceful means for the settlement of international disputes, a principle to which Ecuador added the suggestion for the establishment of a permanent mediation commission, which in the Arab-Israel case would be a valuable instrument to help in finding a just and satisfactory settlement, and
(5) Recognition of the full competence of the General Assembly, in accordance with Articles 10, 11 and 14 of the Charter, to consider any situation that may endanger peace and to recommend appropriate measures for its settlement.
10. On the basis of those principles, my delegation still thinks that the United Nations will have to continue its efforts until a lasting solution is found. Ecuador is ready to participate fully in those efforts.
11. The Viet-Nam war continues to defy man's common sense and aspirations. This war must be brought to an end. The conscience of the world demands it. While in other parts of the world men are dying of hunger and poverty, there they are investing enormous sums of money in order to kill each other with the most modern means of destruction. It is incomprehensible that the parties in conflict do not sit down and discuss their differences like reasonable people and there is no justification for their refusal to do so. The United Nations cannot go on merely observing a tragedy that disturbs mankind and endangers international peace and security.
12. Ecuador consequently supports the steps taken by His Holiness Paul VI and the Secretary-General of the United Nations to bring the war in Viet-Nam to an end. My delegation paid particular attention to the exchange of messages which took place between the Secretary-General and the Permanent Representative of the United States at the end of last year. It wishes to reaffirm its view that the continuation of this war means an imminent danger for the peace of the world, in addition to the terrible loss of human lives, property and resources. Ecuador is ready to contribute as far as it can, by its vote and its discussions, to the attainment of a stable and just peace in Viet-Nam, whose people have endured and are enduring indescribable sufferings.
13. Disarmament is a problem of fundamental concern of mankind. Despite the efforts being made by the United Nations, little has been achieved so far. It is therefore necessary to redouble those efforts, on the understanding that the achievement of disarmament is an essential objective of mankind, not only because the progressive increase in weapons means an imminent danger for peace but also because it militates against the improvement of the living conditions of peoples.
14. The arms race has continued in various parts of the world and unfortunately it seems to have started in Latin America too. Ecuador has denounced, denounces once again and will continue to denounce the dangers that a race of this type entails, especially for the countries of the region, since it means diverting vast financial resources which should preferably be spent on supplying the needs of the great masses of the people who are sunk in poverty and hunger. It is imperative that the General Assembly should reiterate its pronouncements against the arms race as a threat to peace and security and to the economic and social development of peoples.
15. I must express my deepest satisfaction regarding the agreement announced between the United States and the Soviet Union in the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee, leading, perhaps, to the conclusion of a treaty to prevent the proliferation of nuclear armaments. I recall the enormous efforts made by the United Nations and by that Committee to arrive at such an agreement. Hence the prompt conclusion of this treaty would be a ray of light encouraging man's hopes for general and complete disarmament. I am sure that those two Powers, realizing the extent of their responsibility in this matter, will soon be able to overcome any obstacle there may still be to the conclusion of this instrument.
16. Nineteen countries of Latin America, among them Ecuador, have proposed to this Assembly the inclusion in its agenda of an item concerning the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America [A/6676 and Add.1 to 4]. In so doing they have complied with resolution 22 (IV) adopted in Mexico by the Preparatory Commission for the Denuclearization of Latin America. The object of the inclusion of this item is to enable representatives of the signatory States to explain in the world Organization the significance and scope of this instrument.
17. Without prejudice to the statement that the appropriate Ecuadorian representative will make on the matter, I must point out that the production, use, installation, receipt and stockpiling of nuclear weapons must be prohibited in Latin America. The work of the Preparatory Commission, which held four sessions in the hospitable city of Mexico, finally culminated in the signing of the Treaty of Tlatelolco on 14 February 1967. It has taken five years of discussion, five years of intensive activity, five years of tireless efforts, to achieve the result that the countries of Latin America are now presenting to the world.
18. As the representative of Ecuador rightly said at the ceremony of the signing of the Treaty, this Treaty bars the possibility of any nuclear bases existing in Latin America. It is the first instrument in which a region which is not only geographically but also culturally homogeneous affirms Its determination to keep itself free from the dramatic threat that the possession of nuclear arms signifies. It is an effective complement to the Treaty of Moscow, for it establishes means of preventing tests prior to the production of nuclear weapons in the only, environment—underground—^which that Treaty allows. As is natural, the Treaty of Tlatelolco allows peaceful explosions, through possible agreements with nuclear Powers or international bodies, designed to achieve the great works that the Latin American countries need in order to rise from their under-development.
19. As representatives are aware, the aim of the Treaty is to contribute to general and complete disarmament. I am therefore confident that this Latin American effort will be duly appreciated by the General Assembly as one more proof of what those countries are doing to promote universal peace.
20. On 19 December 1966 the General Assembly adopted the Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies [resolution 2222 (XXI)], and requested the Depositary Governments, i.e. the United States, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union, to open it for signature and ratification at the earliest possible date. The Treaty was signed in Moscow, London and Washington on 27 January. Ecuador proceeded to sign it immediately. On this subject, I must recall the words of the Secretary-General: "... this Treaty will not only greatly reduce the danger of conflict in space, but also improve international co-operation and the prospects of peace on our own planet... and the present Treaty are true landmarks in man's march towards international peace and security".
21. I should be failing in my duty, however, if, to the opinion expressed by that high official, I did not add the Ecuadorian opinion that this Treaty has not closed the door to military activities In outer space, since spatial activities unfortunately form part of the arms race. This makes it all the more urgent to achieve agreement on general and complete disarmament, which will embrace this essential aspect that I have mentioned.
22. My delegation has nothing but praise for the work carried out by the International Law Commission. We are on the eve of an international conference to study the law of treaties, an unsurpassable legal achievement that will enable mankind to have specific rules on this important matter, so that it will be possible to ensure peaceful coexistence on the basis of law, for which there can be no substitute. It would be impossible for me to refer here to all the provisions that the Commission has adopted concerning the law of treaties, but I cannot fall to mention that there are fundamental provisions in the erudite draft convention adopted by the Commission [893rd meeting] for whose acceptance the small countries, including Ecuador, have been fighting. The draft convention states that any treaty whose acceptance has been obtained by the threat or use of force is null and void, and this statement constitutes the full recognition of a rule of international law, of an irrefutable nature, which has been in force ever since the use of force in international relations was prohibited.
23. For the American continent, this principle has been sacrosanct ever since the First International Conference of American States, held at Washington in 1889, and had been persistently reiterated in numbers of conventions, resolutions and other pronouncements, The condemnation of the use of force Is a sacred principle, the more so in that it constitutes the very basis of international law and relations among peoples; a sacred principle despite the violations to which it has been subjected — and of one of which Ecuador has been a victim; a principle that should always be respected, as the General Assembly has said in operative paragraph 1 (a) of resolution 2160 (XXI), in which it states that "armed attack by one State against another or the use of force in any other form contrary to the Charter of the United Nations constitutes a violation of international law giving rise to international responsibility". Ecuador, which is still suffering the consequences of that aggression, hopes that these principles and the resolution it has cited will not remain a dead letter but will be given life through the elevating inspiration of Justice.
24. The definition of aggression, a subject that is linked to the peace and security of mankind, is a fundamental aspect which complements the prohibition of the use of force. The efforts made since 1950 are a valuable antecedent which will make it possible to arrive at a definition. Ecuador is a member of the relevant Committee and makes every possible contribution to this important task.
25. Ecuador is following with special interest the work of the Special Committee which is studying the principles of international law concerning friendly relations and co-operation among States. The progressive development of international law through these studies is a fundamental achievement to which all States should make an effective and permanent contribution. As these principles regulate the life of peoples, it is necessary to make their content and their scope perfectly clear.
26. The legal equality of States is a basis of peaceful coexistence. Just as States must rigorously observe the generally recognized principles and rules of international law and comply in good faith with the obligations arising from international treaties freely entered into, so must they declare any treaty null and void in the conclusion of which one of the parties has acted in bad faith.
27. It is also essential to reaffirm the principle that States must settle their disputes by peaceful means that do not endanger international peace and security or justice. But if we sincerely want these procedures to be effective, we must declare that peaceful settlement applies to all disputes, wherever they may be. Similarly, so long as there is no provision for the possibility of moving towards a peaceful settlement by one of the methods provided in the Charter, but upon the initiative of one only of the parties to the dispute, not much progress will have been made in the progressive development of this principle.
28. The declaration in resolution 2131 (XX) is the corner-stone of the prohibition of intervention in the domestic affairs of States and of the protection of their independence and sovereignty. This General Assembly resolution is the statement of a general legal conviction, since the principle of non-intervention is considered one of the bases of the international juridical order. Ecuador will make its contribution towards the strengthening of that principle.
29. My Government also expresses once again Its total support of the principle under which it is recognized that all peoples have the right to self- determination, which includes the right to become independent, to constitute a national State, freely to choose their political, economic and social systems, to achieve full development and to dispose of their own wealth and natural resources. The exercise of the principle of self-determination cannot detract from respect for the territorial integrity of States. Consequently, this principle cannot be practised by local minorities or by territories whose rule is a matter of international dispute.
30. In the same order of ideas, Ecuador attaches particular importance to the study of methods of fact-finding. Investigation is not in itself a method for the peaceful settlement of international disputes, but on the other hand it is an auxiliary means for any peaceful settlement, such as the prevention of disputes and contentious situations. In that matter we shall have to go on studying the possibility of setting up a special International fact-finding organ, which should be a permanent body provided with a sufficiently flexible statute to enable it to call upon the services of suitable specialists and experts for each case or each situation. The fact that such a body would be in existence prior to the dispute or to the agreement of the parties would guarantee its effectiveness and impartiality.
31. Ecuador abides by its firm anti-colonialist position. It is convinced that colonialism and racial discrimination are contrary to the fundamental principles of international law and of the United Nations Charter and that they are obstacles to the promotion of international peace and co-operation. At this point, I must express Ecuador's congratulations to the Special Committee of Twenty-Four on the magnificent work it has been doing for some years to ensure the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
32. Ecuador took part in the preparation of the revised draft resolution which was adopted at the fifth special session and under which a United Nations Council for South West Africa was established [resolution 2248 (S-V)]. The Afro-Asian and Latin American groups worked assiduously on that occasion, thus showing great unity of thought and action, as standard- bearers in the anti-colonialist struggle. The Latin American thinking was directed towards the need to seek harmonious and peaceful methods in this lamentable episode in South West Africa. In the absence of any co-operation from South Africa, the United Nations must exercise its responsibilities through direct administration.
33. What has happened in Southern Rhodesia gives us cause for concern. Ecuador reaffirms its support of the Assembly declaration [resolution 1514 (XV)] by virtue of which the Zimbabwe people have the right to freedom and independence. In endorsing resolution 232 (1966) adopted by the Security Council, my Government declares that there are no trade relations of any kind between Ecuador and Southern Rhodesia. It views the struggle undertaken by that people with sympathy and is sure that the racist minority settled there will not achieve its objective.
34. Nor are we altogether satisfied with the attitude adopted by Portugal in trying to disregard the right of the people in the territories under its administration to freedom and independence, a right which has been fully recognized by the world Organization. The Ecuadorian Government reaffirms its confidence that Portugal will live up to its historic tradition and will find the most acceptable way of satisfying this just right of the people under its administration.
35. International encouragement of the respect and protection of human rights, which are still being violated — sometimes even brazenly — in different parts of the world, must continue. Ecuador has condemned and still condemns all discriminatory practices, including the most detestable of all, the policy of apartheid.
36. The day of 16 December 1966 was an important one in the annals of the United Nations. On that day the General Assembly adopted the draft International Covenants on Human Rights and the optional Protocol [resolution 2200 (XXI)], which were the outcome of lengthy discussions in the Third Committee of the General Assembly, On that occasion the President of the twenty-first session rightly said:
"Each one of us recognizes that peace in itself is really the supreme right of all. We must therefore recognize that at the base of any rivalry or tyranny, in the present as in the past, there is a violation of human rights in one form or another." [1496th meeting, para. 64.]
37. These words convey a truth, and Ecuador wishes to express its immutable desire to strengthen the international machinery, at both the world and the regional levels, for the promotion and respect of human rights.
38. In the opinion of the Ecuadorian Government, international co-operation in economic matters is a subject to which the United Nations should give preferential attention, even more than it is giving at present. The General Assembly urged the developed countries to attain, and if possible exceed, by the end of the United Nations Development Decade, the target of granting resources equivalent to 1 per cent of their individual national income to the developing countries. This is one of the many efforts made by the United Nations to help the developing countries. Poverty is increasing at a tremendous rate. Every year some 3 million human beings die of hunger, while wealth continues to be accumulated in a few hands. It is shocking to know that, side by side with economically powerful countries, there are whole nations desperately struggling in the grip of poverty and sickness.
39. We need to adopt radical measures to put an end to such injustice. We cannot be content with declamatory speeches, more or less well designed. The peoples are calling for action, and immediate and effective action. To delay any longer in the matter imperils peace. Paul G. Hoffman, Administrator of the United Nations Development Programme, has written:
"Unfortunately, progress towards the specific goals of the Development Decade has, so far, been slower than was hoped. The growth rate of the majority of developing countries has been less than 4 per cent a year. This is clearly inadequate — in the face of population growth — to permit appreciable improvements in living standards or savings. The annual flow of international assistance and capital has increased only a little since 1960, and remains too far below the United Nations present target of 1 per cent of the industrialized countries' combined gross domestic product.
40. Thus the situation is totally unsatisfactory. The United Nations Capital Development Fund, which was put into operation by a decision of the General Assembly [resolution 2186 (XXI)], has an enormous task to carry out. It Is important to emphasize that the assistance to the developing countries which the Fund is to provide must be supplied in conformity with the principles laid down in the United Nations Charter and "... shall not serve as a means for economic and political interference in the internal affairs of assisted countries". This assistance must also be "of a kind and in a form consistent with the wishes of the recipients and shall not involve any unacceptable conditions for them, whether political, economic, military or other". In providing this assistance, there must always be full recognition of the inalienable right reaffirmed by this Assembly, of all countries to exercise permanent sovereignty over their natural resources in the interest of their national development.
41. At the Meeting of American Chiefs of State, held at Punta de Este in April 1967, Ecuador had occasion to draw attention, through the words of Dr. Otto Arosemena Gomez, President of the Republic, to the defects from which the system of international assistance is at present suffering, through tied and unacceptable loans, the imposition of conditions that are sometimes Incompatible with the rights of sovereignty and equality of States, and the obligation to make local contributions in quantities that are beyond the capacity of the receiving countries. Ecuador also pointed out, on that occasion, the incongruities of international trade, in that the developing countries are obliged to sell their basic products at prices fixed by the purchasers, such prices being neither stable nor remunerative, since they are even lower than those prevailing during the Second World War. Meanwhile — the President of Ecuador said — public needs in those producing countries are growing and to satisfy those needs the countries must acquire machinery, tools and techniques from the industrialized countries, which offer them on terms that are sometimes unacceptable.
42. When U Thant, the Secretary-General, asked the General Assembly to consider the problem of establishing a more secure basis for dealing with the present and future needs of the United Nations Development Programme, he urged that the annual voluntary contributions should reach a level of no less than $350 million for 1970. Referring to that appeal, Paul G. Hoffman made the following comments: "In an age when the gross national product of the industrialized nations amounts to $1,500 billion a year and is growing by almost $50 billion annually, it is ironic that these fortunate countries are not yet prepared to increase the flow of their assistance by the relatively small amounts it would take to reach the very modest goals of this United Nations Development Decade, particularly when what is done in its remaining years can play such a critical role in determining growth rates in the decade of the 1970s.
43. This shows how tremendous is the work of the United Nations. At the same time, however, we must remember that the historic responsibility of the industrialized countries has no parallel in the annals of human history. The unprivileged countries have their eyes fixed on those countries, in the hope that they will show themselves worthy of their destiny. The struggle for the betterment of man's material conditions as he passes through this world is the symbol of the era in which we are living.
44. Ecuador has faith in the world Organization. It has faith in its own destiny and in that of mankind, Despite the uncertainty and the anxiety in which man lives, his virtues revive in us the hope for a better world in which justice and law will be the basis for friendly coexistence, with mutual respect among States, having always in view the well-being of all peoples without distinction or discrimination of any kind: equal before the law, with a common destiny in peace and freedom.