1. The General Assembly is once again convened in an atmosphere of crisis and tension. The war in Viet-Nam has been progressively intensified during the past months. The hostilities that broke out last June in the Middle East have added new tension to an old conflict. The rampaging of the so-called "Red Guards" has plunged the entire mainland of China into a state of turmoil that cannot fail to have significant bearing on world developments.
2. The war in Viet-Nam is not merely a war between the two Viet-Nams. It is in reality the unfolding of a master plan formulated by Mao Tse-tung and Ho Chi Minh, not only for the subjugation of the Republic of Viet-Nam, but also for the conquest of the whole of the Asian and Pacific region, with world domination as the final objective. This is Mao's way of asserting his leadership in the international communist movement.
3. Inasmuch as Mao Tse-tung and his cohorts are the prime movers of the war in Viet-Nam, they are naturally in a position to determine the course of the conflict. This being so, it is difficult to Imagine that any attempt to settle the Viet-Nam war merely through appeals to Hanoi can achieve any result. It is not without reason that Ho Chi Minh has rejected all proposals for a peaceful settlement. It is not without reason that he has made use of every bombing pause to step up the infiltration of troops into South Viet-Nam and to augment military supplies.
4. There has been much talk about a political solution of the Viet-Nam problem. My delegation is appreciative of the initiative taken by various Governments and individual statesmen in an effort to bring the Viet-Nam issue from the battleground to the conference table. But it seems to us that the door to peace, as far as the Republic of Viet-Nam and its allies are concerned, has always been wide open. The trouble is that Mao Tse-tung and Ho Chi Minh are not interested in peace. Conflict to the bitter end is the stuff from which they draw their very sustenance. Peace, therefore, will not come to Viet- Nam until the aggressors are convinced that they cannot win by force and violence and that aggression does not pay. At present they are not so convinced. On the contrary, they believe they are already on the way to victory. In these circumstances, the movement for peace in the free world is not calculated to bring about the desired result. It can only reinforce Peiping's and Hanoi's conviction that they have everything to gain and nothing to lose by rejecting all proposals for a negotiated settlement. The pressures that have been exerted on the United States Government for the cessation of bombing and for the unconditional withdrawal of troops can only encourage the belief that the United States will sooner or later be forced by world opinion to quit Viet-Nam. Such pressures do not, therefore, have the effect of bringing the war in Viet-Nam to a speedy conclusion; on the contrary, they can only prolong the conflict and delay a peaceful settlement.
5. It is the belief of my delegation that Mao Tse-tung and Ho Chi Minh have underestimated the will and resolve of the United States to make good its commitment to the defence of Asia. They seem to be under the illusion that by refusing to budge from their predetermined positions they can successfully carry out the master plan for community expansion. What is at stake is thus more than the independence and freedom of the Republic of Viet-Nam, more than the security of South-East Asia, important as these undoubtedly are. What is really at stake is whether communist aggression and expansionism are to be allowed to succeed, thus opening the way for further aggression and expansion.
6. My Government supports the Republic of Viet-Nam in its valiant struggle to safeguard its freedom and independence against subversion from within and aggression from without. Our sympathy goes out to the long-suffering Vietnamese people whose spirit of endurance and perseverance has won universal respect and admiration. I also wish to take this opportunity of expressing our appreciation to the allies of the Republic of Viet-Nam — the United States of America, Australia, New Zealand, Thailand, the Republic of Korea and the Philippines. They have made tremendous sacrifices both of men and of treasure in the cause of world peace and security. And these sacrifices have not been made in vain. The return is the security of South-East Asia and, indirectly, of the whole world.
7. It is gratifying to note that in the midst of war and aggression, the Republic of Viet-Nam has continued to make notable progress in the social, economic and political fields. It has Just successfully held its first general election in accordance with the schedule set by the National Constituent Assembly. Bitter fighting at the front and mounting terrorism in the rear failed to keep the voters from the polls. The success of the general election goes to prove that, despite the difficulties confronting them, the people of the Republic of Viet-Nam have not lost sight of their true objective, namely, the establishment of a democratic form of government.
8. From the military point of view, the situation in the Republic of Viet-Nam has taken a definite turn for the better. Although it does not appear that hostilities can be brought to an early conclusion, the outlook is by no means a dark one. Judging from the over-all situation, I am inclined to take an optimistic view. My optimism is based not merely on the fact that there are clear indications that Hanoi is close to the verge of complete exhaustion. More important still, Mao Tse-tung, the architect of communist expansionism in Asia and the prime mover of the aggression against South Viet-Nam, is himself confronted with such overwhelming difficulties and such mounting opposition at home that it is doubtful whether he can continue to assert any semblance of control very much longer. Ho Chi Minh cannot be expected to carry on the war against the Republic of Viet-Nam without the active support of Peiping.
9. This brings me to the question of the Chinese Communist regime in Peiping. Some speakers before me — notably the distinguished Foreign Ministers of Japan and the Philippines — have spoken about the threat to international peace and security posed by the Chinese Communists. The Foreign Minister of the Philippines referred to Peiping's "new version of an old communist export commodity — revolution". In particular, he had in mind the export of "miniaturized cultural revolutions which the political upheaval" on the Chinese mainland "has triggered off in many lands of Asia and Africa" [1566th meeting, para. 98].
10. In this connexion let me add that such a commodity has in recent months been exported to Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, India, Indonesia and Nepal in Asia, as well as to Kenya and other countries in Africa. This includes some of the countries which have gone to considerable lengths to cultivate the goodwill of Peiping. Burma, for example, has over the years done much to promote the Chinese Communist cause both inside and outside the United Nations. Yet Peiping now openly calls for the overthrow of the present Burmese Government.
11. The regime that has promoted subversive activities against established Governments and has sought to impose its own order upon mankind is now itself engulfed in an unprecedented upheaval. In the past year much has taken place on the Chinese mainland. The situation is so complex that it has caused considerable confusion on the part of the observers of the Chinese Communist scene. It may be that even Mao Tse-tung himself is somehow confused. The developments on the Chinese mainland cannot fail to have important bearings on international peace and security. It is for this reason that I venture to give the General Assembly a brief review of the salient features of the present upheaval which goes by the name of "The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution".
12. As is well known, that so-called "cultural revolution" was launched by Mao Tse-tung and his heir apparent, Lin Piao, in April of last year for a twofold objective. In the first place, they have set out to eradicate the cultural heritage and traditions of the Chinese people and replace them with what is called the "Thought of Mao Tse-tung", and to get rid of all anti-Mao elements, including so-called revisionists. In the second place, they have sought, in the name of the "cultural revolution", to capture and perpetuate for themselves total control both of the Party and of the Government.
13. More than a year has elapsed since the launching of the "cultural revolution". What have Mao and his "close comrade-in-arms", Lin Piao, accomplished?
14. For one thing, they have done a good job of smashing up the Party and administrative machinery. The regime that had only a short while ago boasted of its "monolithic unity" and iron control now finds itself in the grip of a divisive power struggle. Chaos has prevailed in all except five provinces and two municipalities. The campaign to liquidate Liu Shao-chi, the regime's so-called "Chief of State", and other erstwhile high-echelon Party and Government leaders, goes on with frenzied intensity. Yet Liu Shao-chi, though no longer capable of exercising his duties as President of the regime, continues to live in his official residence in the old imperial city. He is out but remains unliquidated. This is proof of the inherent weakness of Mao's position in the current struggle.
15. Nor is Mao in firm control of the few provinces and municipalities that still owe allegiance to him. He controls points within the areas but not the areas as a whole. The anti-Maoist forces are everywhere struggling to capture power. In the majority of the provinces those forces either openly unfurl the anti-Maoist banner or else maintain an attitude of ambiguity, waiting for the dust to settle. Even the loyalty of the armed forces is now in doubt. If they are not actively anti-Mao, they are more often than not inclined to drift into the anti-Maoist camp.
16. But the most serious threat to Mao Tse-tung and all that he represents is the revolt of the masses of the people, particularly workers and peasants, who have suffered the most under the Communist tyranny. This is a concrete demonstration of the incompatibility between traditional Chinese culture and communism. In the confusion that has followed the "cultural revolution", the cultural heritage of the Chinese people has begun to reassert its influence.
17. At this time last year, the confusion on the Chinese mainland was caused by the rampaging Red Guards. Now, a year later, the confusion on the Chinese mainland is the result of the people's counterattack against Mao Tse-tung and all that he stands for. Over the length and breadth of the vast country, clashes between the Maoist and anti-Maoist forces take place almost everywhere and every minute of the day. Only a short while ago, only spears, knives, axes, sticks and other primitive weapons were used in these clashes. Now guns, cannon and even tanks are being used. It is thus clear that the situation is becoming more serious every day for the Maoist forces.
18. The Peiping regime used to threaten the rest of the world with its tremendous manpower—700 million strong. But the same 700 million people have now become a source of threat to Mao Tse-tung himself. Mao and his gang used to liken themselves to fish and the masses of the Chinese people to water. So long as there is water, the fish have nothing to worry about. Now that the people no longer support his regime, Mao and his gang are like fish out of water. It is ironical that the man who has developed the much publicized theory of the "people's war" and who has set so much store by the encirclement of the cities from the countryside, now finds that the same "people's war* and the same tactic of encircling the cities from the countryside are being used by the Chinese people for his own downfall.
19. From January this year Mao Tse-tung has repeatedly ordered the Red Guards to return to the provinces from which they came, has repeatedly tried to prevent the peasants from coming to the cities. But his orders have not been obeyed. Last month he prohibited the people from taking guns and other weapons from arsenals on the pretext that they needed them to fight the "counter-revolutionaries", and ordered them to turn in the weapons that they had already appropriated. These orders have also been met with defiance. It is all too clear that Mao Tse-tung and his gang have manoeuvred themselves into a blind alley from which there is no way out.
20. The confusion and anarchy that have engulfed the Chinese mainland will worsen progressively as time goes on. The Peiping regime continues to exist. But it continues to threaten the world with its "people's war", its Red Guards, and its nascent nuclear capability. But it seems to us that it is already moribund. Neither Mao Tse-tung nor Liu Shao-chi can survive the present convulsive struggle. Both are bound to meet with utter defeat. There will follow a period of unprecedented chaos.
21. The Government of the Republic of China, now based on Taiwan, represents the only stabilizing force for the Chinese people. This Government is the only legally constituted Government of China, the only Government capable of articulating the wishes and aspirations of the Chinese people, the only Government that truly represents the rich cultural traditions of China. It cannot, therefore, watch with unconcern the momentous events taking place on the Chinese mainland. Under the inspiring leadership of President Chiang Kai-shek, the Government of the Republic of China is determined to restore freedom to the Chinese masses. In a recent speech on 25 September 1967, President Chiang said:
"The Republic of China is under a special obligation to take up this moral burden. We can destroy Peiping's vicious rule and prevent a nuclear holocaust. There is not need to call for the service of a single soldier from other nations of the free world. The free world will from then on be saved from the exhausting necessity of rushing to extinguish the flames of war which the Peiping regime ignites here and there and anywhere at will."
22. Now let me say a brief word about the war in the Middle East, and I should like also to give a review of the international situation.
23. The war between Israel and the Arab States has added new tensions to an old conflict. Although a cease-fire has been maintained, no visible progress has been made to resolve the basic issues which have so long embittered the relations between Israel and its Arab neighbours. It is the hope of my delegation that at the current session of the General Assembly at least a beginning may be made in bringing peace and stability to the sensitive Middle Eastern area.
24. My delegation is, of course, aware of the complexity of the problems involved and the deep-seated emotions on the part of the parties concerned. It is too much to expect the fears, suspicions and mistrust between the Arabs and the Israelis to disappear overnight. But there is no reason why a climate conducive to peaceful settlement cannot be created in the Middle East. There can be no total solution of all problems at any one time; but gradual, step by step progress in the solution of the outstanding problems should not be ruled out. More than ever before, enmity must give way to reconciliation and magnanimity,
25. As Members of the United Nations, both Israel and the Arab States have firmly committed themselves to the principles of the Charter, which in Article 2 calls upon all Member States to "settle their international disputes by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security, and justice, are not endangered" and to "refrain in their International relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, or in any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations". It seems to my delegation that it is on these principles of the Charter that an enduring peace in the Middle East must be based.
26. In dealing with the Middle East situation it is important, as a first step, to open up the channels of communication between the parties concerned. The United Nations is in a unique position to provide such channels of communication. While the main responsibility for a lasting peace must fall upon the parties themselves, every State Member of this Organization must contribute its share to the peace effort.
27. My delegation sincerely hopes that peace based on Justice will soon prevail in the Middle Eastern area. We support the efforts of the United Nations to alleviate the misery and suffering of the refugees and other victims of the war who, through no fault of their own, have been plunged into the depths of despair. We hope that the problem of troop withdrawal can soon be solved to the satisfaction of all parties. We believe that the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly at its fifth emergency special session should be implemented.
28. In the last analysis, whether the United Nations can play an important role in the settlement of international problems depends on what its Members want it to play. Do they want it to be no more than a sounding board for propaganda, or do they want it to take, in the words of Article 1 of the Charter, "effective ... measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace"?
29. My Government stands for a strong and effective United Nations. Both at Dumbarton Oaks and at the San Francisco Conference, we ranged ourselves unequivocally on the side of those who believed that the Organization must be one capable of maintaining international peace and suppressing aggression. This continues to be the policy of my Government.
30. I stress the importance of observing the principles and purposes of the Charter because I feel that, more than ever before, the United Nations has tended to become the battleground of particular interests. It is the firm conviction of my Government that if we are indeed "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war" the United Nations must be strengthened to meet the challenges of the nuclear age. Let us, therefore, rededicate ourselves to the lofty ideals embodied in the Charter, Let us frankly face up to the fact that had the obligations solemnly assumed by Member States been honoured, many of the situations and crises now threatening international peace and security would not have arisen.