79. Mr. President, the Tunisian delegation Is highly gratified that you are to conduct the proceedings of the twenty-second session of the General Assembly, We have worked with you in the past and we know your past and we know your great devotion to the cause of peace and of the United Nations, Your country, with which my own maintains most cordial relations, has done much for the development of the United Nations. By electing you, the General Assembly has therefore also wished to do homage to Romania and it is from the heart that I convey to you our congratulations and wish you every success.
80. I should also like to congratulate Mr. Pazhwak of Afghanistan on the manner in which he presided over the proceedings of the twenty-first regular session of the Assembly. His great capabilities also enabled him to guide to a successful conclusion the far from smooth discussions and debates of the last two emergency sessions.
81. As our work begins, we should also like to wish success to this session of the Assembly, which is opening under extremely adverse conditions. For we are meeting on the morrow of an emergency special session that has been outstandingly disappointing and sterile; disappointing in that it failed to take any decision on the substance of the problem with which it had to deal, and sterile in that it was unable to obtain results on the only point on which there was an overwhelming majority. Unhappily, therefore, the crisis occasioned by Israel's attack on the Arab countries will be the principal concern of this session as well.
82. We believe it is vital for the United Nations, at this critical moment, to live up to its responsibilities and to the hopes reposed in it by mankind. We must not, once again, disappoint world opinion and, once again, present the picture of a big family where there is a great deal of talking and rather too much squabbling, but where nothing is ever done or, at best, never done soon enough. In the brilliant introduction to his annual report, our Secretary-General has brought out the difficulties which are facing the United Nations and which are basically due to the opposing views on constitutional and political matters taken by its Members; his analysis, which applies to peace-keeping operations, is a priori applicable to the crises which endanger peace. This is precisely why the United Nations has never been able to make a sufficiently sustained and persistent effort to resolve the perpetual state of crisis which has prevailed in the Middle East for twenty years. Never, since the partition of Palestine, has it taken a close look at the heart of the problem it has created. Never has it been willing to recognize explicitly, in so many words, the flagrant injustice which has given rise to the continuously menacing and explosive situation in question and to face it courageously. My delegation continues to believe that peace cannot be founded on the misfortune of a people. The peace that must prevail between men, communities and countries can never be the result of violence, aggression and humiliation. Violence can only bring forth violence, and the continuing war cannot be stopped until the wrongs have been redressed and the peoples concerned have been given back their rights.
83. It should not be thought that twenty years, or something more than twenty, will be long enough for millions of human beings to forget the injustice which has driven them from their homes and their native land. Certainly a solution to the problem must take account of the facts as they are today, but no solution that fails to take into account the original facts can be lasting. It is a lasting solution that we must seek and find, and to do so we must realize that only the withdrawal of Israel troops from the territories they occupied following the attack of 5 June last can open the way to it. To ask the Arabs to accept one injustice because otherwise they might be exposed to more is not realistic but cynical, for if they were to yield to such an argument even once they would find themselves caught in the gears of a machine which they could not stop, so that, logically speaking, they would henceforward be the willing victims of the dream of the Zionist fanatics, the ones who have coined the well-known expansionist slogan, "From the Nile to the Euphrates," the very ones who arrogantly reply to the General Assembly's unanimous injunctions on Jerusalem and its status that "The situation is now non-negotiable" and who deny to hundreds of thousands of refugees, victims of numerous aggressions — the aggression of 5 June being merely the most recent — the right to return to their homes, in making false statements by which, I believe, no one is deceived. This refusal to admit the refugees is followed by frantic appeals to Jewish communities throughout the world to send settlers; two days ago it was declared that such settlement is effective in certain parts of the territories occupied by force of arms, and this creates yet another fait accompli and further aggravates an already highly explosive situation.
84. We understand those who, like the Secretary-General himself, fear that things will go back to where they were; we understand that most of the delegations here present should oppose above all an outright return to the confused and explosive situation which existed previously. But all States Members of the Organization must also clearly understand how dangerous a precedent would be created if the withdrawal of troops from territories occupied by force were to be predicated on conditions which, in the last analysis, would be a conqueror's conditions. If the Arabs should simply submit — which, of course, is what Israel wants — that would mean excluding the United Nations from the discussion, depriving it of its raison d'être and saying that Israel is in the right and was being logical in its way in calling for direct negotiations; I say logical in its way, for its attitude Is in line with the logic of victorious aggression, with the law of the jungle, which its leaders seem to have embraced with so light a heart.
85. In our view, it is when the Arab territories have been evacuated that the international community, acting through the United Nations, both here and in the Security Council, will have the opportunity and the duty to take up at once the substance of the problem and examine it earnestly and with perseverance, in order to find a solution that would be both lasting and just.
86. Tunisia, for its part, having a sense of involvement with the Arabs and of involvement in all mankind, will certainly make such modest efforts as it can to that end. By stating unequivocally that the de facto situation created by force must be undone the United Nations will have placed itself in a position to play its proper part — a decisive and essential part — in bringing about the desired solution.
87. We are confident that the Members of the General Assembly will display the imagination and the spirit of initiative required to enable us to end this session with — at the least — the outline of a solution in hand. We should be able to evolve a majority view here on those principles which should form the basis for a settlement of the question. In that connexion, the efforts of Yugoslav diplomats to formulate a series — no doubt open to improvement — of principles which could furnish the framework of an acceptable solution should be encouraged and assisted, and we feel that a tribute should be paid to President Tito and to the Government and delegation of Yugoslavia, whose major concern has always been that the United Nations — and particularly the General Assembly - should play a leading role in the search for peaceful solutions to the problems facing us.
88. In connexion with the role which the United Nations could play, both in the Middle East and elsewhere, I should like to comment on the highly important question of peace-keeping operations.
89. My Government deeply regrets that the Special Committee on Peace-keeping Operations has been unable to make any substantial progress. We had hoped that, following the serious events in the Middle East which shook the entire world, it would resume its examination of the question in the light of the new developments.
90. On the one hand, the events in the Middle East have brought out — unfortunately, a contrario — the usefulness of the peace-keeping operations, and, on the other, it became clear that yet another emergency special session of the General Assembly had to be convened, and this demonstrated once again that the General Assembly should be able to assume a primary role in the maintenance of peace, naturally without prejudice to the role assigned to the Security Council.
91. This may not be explicitly provided for in the Charter, but it is certainly in the spirit of the San Francisco text. We hope in this connexion that this session will not confine itself to merely continuing the Special Committee in existence, but will take up the question again in a more constructive way and will display not only imagination, of which we certainly have no lack, but also, and above all, authority. And now my delegation wishes to congratulate all the members of the Special Committee, in particular Mr. Cuevas Cancino, its dynamic Chairman, on their efforts and their achievements. Tunisia is prepared, as in the past, to contribute to the success of future operations of that kind by all the means at its disposal, however modest they may be.
92. Another sphere in which the United Nations has suffered a setback is decolonization. Leaving aside the activities of mercenaries, no progress has been made with regard to the very worrying problem of South West Africa, or the Rhodesian crisis, or the situation in the Territories under Portuguese domination. Colonialism and racism continue to be rife in an immense part of Africa — one-third of that continent and, certainly not by chance, the richest third — and there is not even a glimmer of effective international action ahead.
93. We do not, of course, count on international action alone to restore freedom and dignity to tens of millions of our African brothers who are the victims of a system everyone regards as anachronistic. But I think that we in the United Nations owe more to the freedom fighters than well-intentioned resolutions and words of compassion. I regret, in this connexion, that the great Powers should have preferred not to compromise themselves by joining the majority of the Assembly in order to launch in Southwest Africa an action which, if firm, could have been decisive. In the particular case of Southwest Africa, we would remind them that the United Nations has a special responsibility, and appeal to them to give full and unreserved co-operation to the United Nations Council for South West Africa.
94. I now come to the problem of disarmament. This is one area in which, despite everything, we can be relatively optimistic. For while there may be reason enough for the mental reservations and apprehensions that some of us may have, the submission of a draft treaty for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons is an act of great import. There are still obstacles to be surmounted and opposition to be overcome; we are fully aware of the imperfections and inadequacies of the text; but just the same, the fact that it has been drafted by the United States and the Soviet Union constitutes an achievement which is to the credit of both countries, as also of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament.
95. We understand the concern of those unaligned countries which find it hard to renounce the right to acquire nuclear weapons, precisely because they do not wish to stand under anyone's protection. But I can think of nothing more ludicrous and wrong than an under-developed country — and the non-aligned countries are in that category — having the means to destroy millions of human beings by nuclear weapons, while continuing to be unable to protect millions of its own citizens from hunger and destitution. No country, except for a very few Powers, and certainly none of our developing countries, can engage in nuclear research save at the expense of its paramount task, which is to overcome under-development. To be convinced of this, one need but remember the damage caused to African, Asian and other countries by the conventional arms race. That is an aspect of the question of disarmament which, I believe, we should consider far more seriously today than we have ever done; and the conventional arms race engaged in by small countries should also be examined in the light of the latest events in the Middle East.
96. If the United Nations were, in one way or another, to sanction armed conquest, there would be nothing left to prevent certain small countries from yielding to the temptation of trying to obtain political concessions or even territorial gains from their neighbours by means of a rapid and effective attack. Our Assembly ought perhaps to make a study of the funds developing countries spend on armaments and to compare them, for example, with what they spend on national education or health and, generally speaking with their really productive investments — investments in human welfare.
97. This question is, of course, connected with another on our agenda; the question of foreign military bases. For it is obvious that, at a time when bases of the conventional type are being dismantled one by one, there are being introduced, but more subtly and discreetly, bases of a new kind, consisting in the massive presence of hundreds and sometimes thousands, of foreign training instructors — or alleged instructors. In our view, the difference between a so-called training base and just a base is merely one of terminology, and it is clear that the first term is simply camouflage for the second. It seems to me that here is not only matter for thought, but matter for action, and rapid action, to prevent the initiation of the usual and fatal process which, once started, cannot be halted, of an arms race in countries the sum total of whose resources does not suffice to enable them to rejoin the developed countries and break out of the vicious circle of economic, social, intellectual, and In fact human under-development.
98. This brings me to another subject on which my delegation is optimistic — the unremitting, laudable, but unfortunately little publicized, efforts the United Nations has been making in the economic and social sphere. We are beginning to see today the results of years of preparation, and a whole framework of economic and social activities is emerging the purpose of which is to break the vicious circle of colonial or semi-colonial heritage holding captive the African, Asian and Latin American countries and to enable them, if not to close, at least to reduce the gap between themselves and the developed countries.
99. Despite this optimistic attitude of ours, we cannot but give close heed to the alarm sounded by our Secretary-General in his Annual Report to the Assembly, and particularly in the Introduction to that report. The Economic and Social Council, in its own report for this year [A/6703] expresses the same concern.
100. In the introduction to his annual report, the Secretary-General writes:
"Again this year, I am constrained to express my great concern regarding the loss of momentum in international aid and its adverse effects on the results of the current Development Decade." [A/ 6701/Add.1, para. 61]
And he adds:
"The Kennedy Round of negotiations has been a noteworthy success, but it must be recognized that the new agreements do not give much satisfaction to the developing countries, especially in the agricultural sector." [Ibid.]
101. It Is discouraging to see that in 1966 the rich countries taken together contributed a much smaller percentage of their gross national product to development aid than in 1960.
102. In the same document we read with reference to UNCTAD:
"It is also my duty to record, however, that, in the period under review, progress made towards the fulfilment of the aims and objectives set forth in 1964 has been alarmingly slow, and that no significant breakthrough has been registered in either trade or development financing ..." [Ibid., para. 71]
103. Thus, on three subjects of capital importance in international economic life the Secretary-General uses — and rightly so — a language which should cause deep concern to the Members of the United Nations.
104. I would also point out that the situation as regards the food balance in developing countries continues to be alarming. FAO projections for 1975 include a net deficit of cereals which may be as high as 47 million tons, while imports to make up for this deficit might amount to over $8,000 million.
105. Thus, the international community does not seem to be winning the race against need. The developing countries must make a very special and persistent effort if this race is to be won. Moreover, the assistance which’ the rich countries should furnish in the name of international solidarity and which I believe is a duty for all should not in itself be the decisive factor; improvement in the terms of trade is equally necessary. The United Nations seems to us to be perfectly situated to achieve that objective. It is encouraging to note that new organizations concerned with the main aspects of development are constantly being added to the United Nations family. The latest newcomer is the United Nations Capital Development Fund [resolution 2186 (XXI)], which is to assist the developing countries by making available to them additional capital aid in the form of grants and loans, especially long-term loans.
106. We would express the hope that the first pledging conference, set for the end of October, will be successful. There is always a risk that the proliferation of such organizations might lead to a scattering of efforts and raise still further the already high operating costs. That could occur if these organizations did not operate to full capacity and if certain trends in the international flow of capital were not corrected. It is startling to note, for example, that during the period 1961 to 1966, only 10 per cent of that flow was furnished by the international organizations.
107. It should also be noted that, from 1960 to 1965, the flow of resources to the developing countries did not increase in proportion to the growth of the developed countries. In our view, these two basic trends should he corrected, so that multilateral aid is augmented and so that the rich countries participate in a more regular and consistent, and less precarious, manner in the development and progress of the countries which are emerging, or endeavouring to emerge, from their present situation.
108. We express the hope that the second session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development will usher in a new phase in the process that was begun in 1964 and that it will concentrate on realistic action and on the adoption of concrete and practical solutions to the problems facing the international community. This hope is not unfounded, for we find that, while there are Inadequacies and failures, the world is becoming increasingly aware of the urgent need to remedy the first and prevent the second. Thanks to this awareness, and to the sum total of experience acquired by international and national organizations, it should be possible to remedy the situation before it reaches the point of no return.
109. The idea is generally accepted today that there can be no peace in a world in which only one-third of the population enjoys a comfortable existence, while the other two-thirds live under extremely precarious conditions if not in complete destitution.
110. The hope which the under-developed countries place in international solidarity is very real; but we know that we cannot possibly count on that solidarity alone. Only those countries can hope to achieve some development which count on themselves first, which are really prepared, as they say they are, to make every sacrifice and accept every discipline to improve the lot of their peoples.
111. Tunisia, for its part, having a decade of independence behind it, can for the first time take stock of what it has accomplished in its struggle against under-development and for the promotion of human welfare. We have had ten years fraught with difficulties, many of whom vestiges of the colonial era, ten years of bitter struggle against under-development in all its forms, including backward economic structures, superannuated social institutions, and mental attitudes unsuited to modern times, ten years at the end of which there is at last a reasonable and serious hope that in the near future the Tunisian will fully recover his human dignity, as well as his freedom. Looking back, we can see that profound changes have taken place in Tunisia: women have been completely emancipated, the children are in school, the citizens are becoming increasingly aware of both their rights and their duties in a society which is ever striving for greater justice.
112. The least indulgent observers have had to admit that our structures have undergone a total change. There is a word we are chary of using because we hold it sacred and because it has been depreciated through over-use in political terminology today, but it describes rightly what has occurred in Tunisia; that word is revolution.
113. The method we chose to overthrow the old order of things and to replace it by institutions designed to serve the people is socialism, but a purely Tunisian socialism, adapted to our needs and conditions. As the President of the Tunisian Republic has said:
"What matters, when we are faced with a choice of roads leading to a better life, is to define our goals, which are: an end to exploitation, prosperity for all, a decisive voice in economic and political matters for the masses. Where ways and means are concerned, what counts is efficiency, progress towards unanimously accepted goals.
"These are the principles on which Tunisia bases its socialist revolution, in the conviction that they constitute the way best suited to a country which is striving to rise to the status of a developed country."
114. At the same time, we resist the temptation of believing or proclaiming that our experience is of universal value, or even that it is valid for all underdeveloped countries; but we are convinced that our methods, our will to make progress and our rejection of facile demagoguery and striking slogans constipate an experience which deserves a few moments' meditation.
115. There is still a long and hard road ahead before our country reaches an economic take-off, but substantial gains have been made; we are bound to say that a decisive part was played in this by outside aid, and we freely express our gratitude to the friendly countries which have had their share in it, and to the United Nations, whose Development Programme is particularly active in Tunisia.
116. The fight against under-development remains our primary concern, as we think it ought to be for all the countries of the Third World, whether in Latin America, Africa or Asia. But that can be so only in times of peace.
117. The Middle East, alas, that vast region which pertains to both Asia and Africa, has been the victim of war, aggression and occupation. Day before yesterday [1566th meeting] we heard a statement by Israel's Minister for Foreign Affairs; his country's friends as well as its adversaries agree that it conveyed what the first call a hardening of position and the second, arrogance. I cannot help but see a cause and effect relationship between Israel's extreme attitude and the General Assembly's inability or unwillingness to come to a decision. Is it not anachronistic, not to say scandalous, that at a time when all countries, under the guidance of the United Nations, are seeking more efficacious means of strengthening international solidarity in an effort to combat under-development in renewed brotherhood, the international community should resign itself to impotence, thereby helping to bring about a situation where exacerbated racism and religious fanaticism constitute over-riding and, what is worse, openly admitted motives?