37. Mr. President, it is with great pleasure that I join the speakers who have preceded me in congratulating you on your election to the Presidency at the twenty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. Your election is not only a recognition of your fine qualities as a person and your reputation as a statesman and a diplomat, but also a recognition of that principle of equitable geographical rotation which governs elections to various offices within this Organization. Above all your election is a tribute to your country, Romania, which has, by its determination to preserve its independence, earned the respect of the whole world. My delegation is happy to pledge its full support and co-operation to you and is confident that under your able guidance the deliberations of the present session will yield fruitful results. My delegation would also like to congratulate and express its appreciation to your predecessor, His Excellency Mr, Abdul Rahman Pazhwak of Afghanistan, who so ably and successfully guided the deliberations of the twenty-first session.
38. The delegation of Ghana wishes to renew its appreciation of the efforts of the Secretary-General who, in the long period of his stewardship, has rendered such efficient and selfless service to this Organization. Since assuming this high and all- important office, which has rightly been described as one of the most difficult in the world, Secretary- General U Thant has had the full and unquestioned support of the Government of Ghana, and my delegation is happy to pledge continued confidence in and support for him.
39. Since the founding of this Organization over two decades ago, the world has passed through a series of crises, some of which have brought it almost to the brink of disaster. But on each occasion the overwhelming urge for peace throughout the world has sustained the Organization's efforts to prevent a third world war, in which, it is now certain, there would be neither victor nor vanquished but total destruction of the world as we know it.
40. Even though our progress towards durable peace and inter-state harmony has been painfully slow, the prospect of mankind’s progression towards extinction in a violent global holocaust should constantly recharge our determination to make this Organization an effective instrument for keeping and building the peace of the world. It is this conviction that has determined and will continue to determine our position on the major problems that disturb international peace today.
41. The fundamental basis of the foreign policy of the Republic of Ghana is non-alignment and balanced neutrality, and this we have repeated many times over, I consider it necessary, however, in view of recent events, to clarify the concept of non-alignment as professed by the present Government of Ghana. In our view, a policy of non-alignment does not mean the automatic acquiescence in or support for actions or positions adopted by any nation or group of nations styling themselves non-aligned or believing in the concept of non-alignment. For, if this were so, it would constitute bloc action or bloc position, thus robbing the concept of non-alignment of its true meaning. Non-alignment as understood by my Government means the right and ability of a given State to consider any international issue on its merits without undue regard to bloc considerations or pressures. Such an interpretation might result, on occasions, in individual divergencies over issues even within a group of States claiming adherence to the concept of non-alignment. Non-alignment to my Government, therefore, implies the sole right of the Government of Ghana to examine every international issue on its merits and to take what in its view constitutes a just and equitable stand. Without disregarding the principle of collective or group action in appropriate cases by like-minded States, Ghana, in the pursuit of this policy, will be guided by earnest, honest, sober and objective appraisal of events and circumstances.
42. As was stated last year by my late colleague and patriot, Lieutenant-General Kotoka, when he addressed this Assembly [1435th meeting], the new Government of Ghana brought into being by the timely revolution of 24 February 1966 seeks friendship with all countries both inside and outside Africa. If there are any Governments that do not maintain friendly relations today with Ghana, this is a situation not of our creation. We have sought this friendship even in the face of provocations. We wish no quarrel with anyone, but we seek peace and concord with all.
43. Let me now turn to the troubled continent of Africa generally. Ten years ago, Ghana achieved its freedom and with it began the chain reaction which found colonialism on the retreat all over the continent. This exciting process was soon to bring in its train a multiplicity of independent African States and there was every expectation that Africa would be completely free within a comparatively short time. But, alas, in this tenth year of the birth of African freedom, the southern part of Africa still remains in the firm grip of incorrigible colonialists and arch racialists and the "wind of change" appears to have expanded its force on the banks of the Zambesi River. This situation, coupled with the present unstable political image of Africa, has caused deep concern and brought distress to the people and friends of Africa.
44. While individual African Governments try to put their own houses in order, we cannot close our- eyes to the slavery and suffering that other men still continue to impose on our kinsmen in other parts of Africa. There seems to be forming a dangerous alliance in the southern part of Africa of the arch racialists of South Africa, the unrepentant Portuguese colonialists and the arrogant rebels of Rhodesia, The Government and people of Ghana will never acquiesce in the perpetuation of the evil doctrine and policy of apartheid, nor will we accept that the colonial struggle has ended at the Zambesi River. In concert with our African brothers and under the guidance of the Organization of African Unity, we will continue the struggle to ensure that not an inch of African territory remains under foreign domination and that no African is discriminated against and deprived of political rights in his own homeland.
45. Sitting in this Assembly is the representative of a Government that has consistently shown contempt for most of the principles and purposes for which the United Nations stands. The time has come to call upon South Africa to heed the urgent yearnings of mankind for equality and social justice and honour its obligations under the Charter. No greater disservice could be rendered by this Organization, and particularly by the major Powers of this body, to the peoples of Africa than a passive acquiescence in the gradual extension and consolidation of apartheid and colonialist subjugation by more powerful white minorities against weaker black majorities. The African peoples themselves may be weak today, but it is short-sighted to expect that they would not one day be strong enough to liberate the millions of Africans still suffering under the yoke of their Afrikaner "bosses".
46. Let me state clearly the disappointment of the Government of Ghana with the attitude so far of the major Powers on this whole question of apartheid and South Africa and the expansionist designs of the Boer leaders on South-West Africa. It is not enough to condemn apartheid: it is essential that such condemnation be coupled with concrete action aimed at undermining apartheid and forcing realism on those who rule South Africa today. If the big Powers feel that sanctions against South Africa would be ineffective, then let them take the lead in proposing alternative measures that would speedily bring about the objective that they claim they join us in seeking. They have the means and the power to do this. In spite of the negative attitude that most of these States have taken in the effort to execute the General Assembly decision terminating the mandate over South West Africa [resolution 2145 (XXI)], we are hopeful that they would now find it possible to hack to the full the efforts of the United Nations Council for South West Africa [resolution 2248 (S-V)] and to sanction the use of force in carrying out this mandate, if this has to be done. On apartheid and on South West Africa, this is not time for more dialogues with South Africa. It is the time for positive action.
47. Foremost in our minds also is the situation in Rhodesia. The rebel régime in Rhodesia will soon be celebrating the second anniversary of its illegal and infamous seizure of power from a colonial administration under whose rule no other colonial people had ever dared to rebel with such unchallenged impunity. The world is witness to the failure of the limited sanctions programme so half-heartedly launched by the Government of the United Kingdom and so shamefully honoured in the breach by the major trading Powers. When we are told that sanctions are biting, we wonder whom they are biting: is it Rhodesia or Zambia or Britain? Is it the Whites or the Blacks? We gave warning in the Security Council last year against the half-measures taken. We demanded total mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. We are told that we should give the British proposals a chance to work. Now reliable statistics show that certain Member States of this Organization have considerably increased their trade with Rhodesia and that South Africa is brazenly flouting the sanctions resolution [Security Council resolution 232 (1967)] and is determined to buttress the economy of the Rhodesian regime. Resolutions have been passed here and have been flouted, inflammatory and impertinent declarations have been made by Ian Smith and his followers; the British Government has attempted to negotiate with Ian Smith, but all to no avail as is evidenced by the failure of the series of "talks" and the "talks on talks".
48. There is no deluding ourselves that economic sanctions as a punitive measure against the illegal regime of Ian Smith have failed, as they were bound to fail given the known attitudes of certain key Members of this Organization. And now we hear that Rhodesia, having beaten sanctions, is feverishly working to consolidate racism and apartheid by a systematic programme of subsidized white immigration and support by South African security forces. What is the next step, we ask? Ghana is convinced that the use of force is the next, indeed, the only logical step left in this long and protracted effort to save the people of Zimbabwe from the cruel oppression of the minority white settlers. This Assembly must ask itself what the fate of the United Nations Organization would be if its decisions were continuously ignored and its principles violated with impunity.
49. Every year from this rostrum and in several of the Committees of the General Assembly we condemn South Africa for its racist policies and for its suppression of the natural rights of the indigenous people of South Africa. We should not relent in our fight against the inhuman regime of South Africa. It is a matter of great gratification to my delegation, as a member of the Special Committee on the Policies of Apartheid, that in July and August of this year a successful International Seminar on Apartheid, Racial Discrimination and Colonialism in Southern Africa was held in Kitwe, thanks to the ready generosity of the Government of Zambia. The Seminar in its final Declaration affirmed:
"That effective international action, so long delayed and obstructed, is imperative if the racial tensions which have accumulated and now rage in the area are not to transform the southern part of Africa into a cockpit of bloodshed, with incalculable perilous consequences for international peace and security." [A/6818, par. 124 (1).]
50. The Seminar also appealed to
"all the Governments and people dedicated to the ideals of non-racialism, international co-operation and peace enshrined in the United Nations Charter, to redouble their efforts to secure immediate and effective international action in support of the legitimate struggle of the oppressed peoples of Southern Africa so as to prevent the grave dangers of a racial conflagration in the area". [Ibid., para. 124 (5).]
51. In Angola, Mozambique and Portuguese Guinea, African freedom fighters are sacrificing their lives to secure the self-determination that this Organization so long ago called for for all colonial peoples. Unfortunately, Portuguese colonialism continues to deny those people their natural rights to self-determination and to regard those territories as part and parcel of the metropolitan homeland. No matter how benevolent the rule of a foreign overlord, this can never satisfy the urge and desire of a people to control its own destiny. It is for this reason that poorly armed African freedom fighters are daily displaying acts of courage on the battlefields of Angola, Mozambique and Portuguese Guinea against the NATO-armed troops of Portugal. The Government and people of Ghana do not accept the constitutional fiction of the oneness of the metropolitan country and colonies and will continue to support with all the resources at their disposal the just struggle of the freedom fighters against Portuguese colonialism in Africa.
52. We also have Spanish domination to contend with in Africa, and while Spain has recently shown signs of liberalizing its attitude towards the territories it dominates, we consider that it can hasten the process of bringing freedom to those territories. We call on this Assembly to join us in an appeal to Spain to grant independence to the territories under its domination and to settle speedily and amicably the territorial disputes with the North African States so that a new relationship of friendship and fruitful co-operation can be established between Spain and the African States.
53. On 19 March 1967, the people of former French Somaliland were given the chance through a referendum to determine the type of future it wanted for its country. We believed that the presence of United Nations observers during the conduct of the referendum would ensure its fairness, and this was recommended to the Administering Authority. Regrettably the French Government could not accede to this request — an attitude which contributed in no small measure to the suspicion with which the results of the referendum were received. May I from this rostrum appeal to the innate sense of fairness of the great French people to ensure an equitable solution to this problem.
54. The Congo has again been in the news, troubled by those who refuse to recognize the fact that this country is no longer a colonial appendage but an independent and sovereign State. The Congo situation, as we all know, has been one of Africa's thorniest problems. Our needs and weaknesses have made possible the involvement of non-African Powers in our affairs. How otherwise would it be conceivable that after seven years of self-rule, foreign mercenaries should venture to enter the Congo? My Government has already demonstrated by concrete action its full support for the Government of the Congo in its fight against those hired brigands. In our view, whatever reservations any Government might have had about the authorities in the Congo the Government that now controls the Congo truly and genuinely seeks the welfare and progress of the Congolese people, and it is about time that those external forces which seek to control the destiny of this long-suffering State abandoned such designs and gave a chance to the constituted Government to pacify the Congo and secure for its people the peace and security it so ardently desires.
55. My delegation would like to draw attention to the threat which the operation of mercenaries in Africa constitutes to world peace and security, particularly in Africa where those human specimens of amorality appear to have found a convenient source of immoral income.
56. In our efforts to raise our peoples from the depth of poverty, disease and illiteracy into which our continent was plunged by its erstwhile colonial masters and to create new conditions that will enable us to progress together, we have created the Organization of African Unity. We in Ghana today have no illusions about the immense problems that beset our path to real and meaningful unity, but it is a mark of our implicit faith in the idea of unity in Africa that, in spite of its imperfections, we still pledge our support for the Organization of African Unity. We believe firmly in the principles and purposes for which that Organization was established four years ago. These principles and purposes are in complete accord with those of the United Nations, In a sense, the Organization of African Unity is complementary to this Organization, and my delegation is happy to note the fruitful collaboration now developing between the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity.
57. The Organization of African Unity, we confess, has not always shown the capacity to fulfil its mission in Africa. Perhaps the visionaries amongst us expected too much of it, but like all organizations of this type and size it could not be expected to solve all the problems that we would wish it to solve. There have been and there will be contradictions within the Organization. There have been and there will be divergent views held by its member States on some major issues. Yet, in the four years of its existence, the Organization of African Unity has rendered significant service to Africa, and my Government believes that the trend towards regional groupings within the Organization of African Unity, especially on an economic and cultural basis, should give the Organization a better and durable basis for the ultimate continental unity for which we all so devoutly wish.
58. I know that there are several urgent matters which are at present exercising our minds in Africa and which some of our well-wishers would like to see tackled and solved by the Organization of African Unity. Prominent among them is the situation in Nigeria which is indeed a source of anguish and grief to all of us. I should like to assure this Assembly that everything possible will be done by us in Africa to assist our brothers in Nigeria to end this most regrettable fratricidal war and to restore the country to peace and harmony.
59. If I have spoken at length on matters affecting Africa it is only natural, for the continent of Africa holds a special place of interest for my delegation. But our continent moves and has its being in a world of interdependence, and we cannot ignore what is happening elsewhere.
60. I should now like to turn to the Middle East. The war which erupted in June of this year exposed the weaknesses of our Organization and brought home to us more clearly than ever before the imperative need to find a permanent solution to the question of Palestine and the related problems of the Middle East. This question has been on the agenda of the United Nations since 1947, and the record is a sorry catalogue of vacillations and piecemeal solutions. Palliatives will no longer do. The situation is too dangerous and explosive to admit of this.
61. What the Organization must aim at now is the search for a cure, a permanent cure, for the problems of the area. There must be a clear identification of the basic causes of the conflict and a rethinking of the ways and means of arresting the deteriorating situation. It is unrealistic for anyone to suggest a negotiated solution outside the framework of the United Nations, for this Organization is the only acceptable organ capable of playing a constructive role in bringing about lasting peace in the Middle East.
62. May I be permitted to reiterate what Ghana believes to be some of the basic principles which must underlie any realistic and permanent solution of the conflict in the Middle East. In doing this I would like to emphasize the adherence of my Government to the principle that there should be no annexation of territory through the process of armed conflict.
63. In the view of my delegation, Israel should withdraw its troops from the territories occupied by conquest and should not dispose unilaterally of these territories. This, however, must simultaneously be accompanied by the territorial integrity and political independence of all the States in the Middle East being safeguarded and guaranteed.
64. The unilateral forceful annexation of the Arab section of the city of Jerusalem by Israel, in contravention of a nearly unanimous United Nations call to the contrary, can only worsen the already explosive situation and must be categorically rejected. Israel should be prevailed upon to carry out the resolutions adopted by the fifth emergency special session requesting it to rescind all measures taken to that effect [resolutions 2253 (ES-V) and 2254 (ES-V)].
65. There should be a recognition of the right and freedom of all States to have access to all international waterways wherever they may be situated.
66. The refugees and all displaced persons in the area must be resettled under an international emergency relief programme. In this regard there must be a rapid implementation of the relevant General Assembly resolutions calling for adequate compensation to be paid to refugees. And we issue a fervent appeal to Israel to show imaginative statesmanship and magnanimity in the search for a solution to this question.
67. The Government of Ghana is convinced that it should be possible, given goodwill on the part of all and a desire for peace and stability in the Middle East, to formulate a general peace treaty incorporating the principles stated by my delegation to outlaw belligerency in the region and control the disastrous arms race. Such a treaty must be underwritten by the major Powers. In this search for a just and equitable solution to the problems disrupting peace in the Middle East, my delegation and Government are ready and willing actively to participate.
68. Strife in the Middle East is not restricted to the Arab States and Israel. For apart from the conflict in the Yemen, of which we now see some hopeful signs for a solution, we are still saddled with the problem of Cyprus. In spite of the attempts by the United Nations to secure peace for Cyprus, the crisis there remains latent. It must be now be obvious to all that a lasting solution of this problem can only be found on a basis which guarantees the interests of both the Greek majority and the Turkish minority. It is the view of my delegation that the United Nations should take resolute action to solve the Cyprus problem, particularly since it has assumed responsibility for peace-keeping on the island. In any such endeavour, the Government of Ghana will give the fullest support to the Organization, and will also support any good offices which might be considered necessary to achieve lasting peace in that country.
69. My delegation indeed looks forward to the day when there will be peace and reconciliation throughout the strife-torn Middle East, and when the resources of the region and the collective talents of the people of the area can be devoted to constructive efforts to achieve a better life for all.
70. No review of the international situation will be complete without reference to the troubled country and people of Viet-Nam. This conflict is a most serious threat to world peace and it is a matter of some regret that the United Nations has so far failed to become the focal point in the search for a peaceful solution.
71. At the twenty-first regular session of the Assembly last year, the Secretary-General [1483rd meeting] and several delegations, including Ghana, emphasized the need for quiet diplomacy and for the good offices of third parties to help in the search for a negotiated settlement of the Viet-Nam war. The Ghana delegation has since followed with extremely keen interest the laudable efforts made by the Secretary-General himself to pave the way for peace talks. It is to be regretted that, in spite of the confidence we have all openly expressed in the Secretary- General, the parties to the conflict have not made it possible for him to put his good offices to good effect in this matter. From this rostrum we plead for peace, and our sincerest appeal goes to all the parties, both within and outside this Assembly, to lend their fullest co-operation to the Secretary-General in his renewed efforts to reconvene another Geneva conference on Viet-Nam. We support the Secretary-General in all his endeavours because his impartiality is beyond question, and through him this Organization can sue for peace in an area which has in it the seeds of a world-wide conflagration.
72. It shall be the endeavour of my delegation to support any practical moves towards peace in this region in order to stem the tide of this tragic and gruesome war before it escalates into a major conflict.
73. Asia reminds us that the 700 million people on the Chinese mainland are still not represented in this Organization by the legitimate Government of China. The question of China's representation in the United Nations is one that must be decided on the basis not of expediency by of principle. The question is whether, when a government of a State is replaced or overthrown, the new government which is in complete control of the State is or is not competent to represent that State. In the view of my delegation, the law of state succession in this regard is settled and unambiguous, and, considered in this light, it is unrealistic to attempt to evolve a "package deal" formula which provides for the implementation of a so-called "two Chinas "theory which is totally unacceptable to the two parties directly involved in the controversy. Saying this, however, does not mean that the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations should prejudice the claim of Taiwan as a member of the international community.
74. The Ghana delegation has noted the progress made by the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament in Geneva on non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. It is the hope of my delegation that whatever treaty is finally presented to this Assembly will include adequate safeguards for the security and protection of the non-nuclear States. Ghana also welcomes the successful conclusion this year by the Latin American States of a declaration on the denuclearization of Latin America. This should serve as an example to the other regions of the world. In the final analysis, however, my delegation believes that it is only through general and complete disarmament that the security of mankind can be assured.
75. My delegation notes with satisfaction that the breakthrough achieved in the field of human rights by the adoption during the twentieth session [resolution 2106 (XX)] of an International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination was followed during the last session by the adoption of the covenants. My delegation has come prepared for active participation in the formulation of the remaining measures in the social and humanitarian fields.
76. The economic and social development of the developing countries continues to be one of the most pressing tasks of our time. In spite of the numerous resolutions adopted by this Assembly urging active and concerted international support of the developing countries in their economic and social development. The economic situation in the developing countries as a whole deteriorated further in 1966. The rate of growth in those countries receded again. The developing countries thus entered 1967 in a weak and vulnerable position.
77. One of the most portentous problems of the international community for the next generation is the problem of the deepening gap between the rich and the poor countries. Time and time again the voices of those who have analysed the causes of this problem have recommended positive actions which should be taken by the richer nations, not only in their own interest but also in the interest of a free and expanding world, to accelerate the economic development and reconstruction of the poorer half of the world, When the developing countries clamoured in the forums of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) for Immediate solutions to their trade and development problems, they were told to be patient and wait for the Kennedy Round, which was expected to help resolve some of these difficulties. The Kennedy Round has come and gone and, according to the Secretary-General of UNCTAD, Dr. Prebisch, whose indefatigable effort on behalf of developing countries remains one of the shining and hopeful signs of UNCTAD, the results of the Kennedy Round cannot be claimed to have done much towards solving the trade and development problems of the developing countries. It has done more to solve those problems of the already developed and richer countries.
78. My Government expects more fruitful agreements at the second Session of UNCTAD Conference to be held in New Delhi in 1968, One of the areas in which action is immediately possible is the area of commodity agreements. The failure of the 1966 United Nations Cocoa Conference was a great disappointment to my country not only because Ghana is the biggest producer of cocoa, but also because only a little more co-operation and understanding were required to bridge the gap which divided the producers on the one hand from the consumers on the other. However, since the Conference, significant progress has been made on some of the issues on which no agreement could be reached at the Conference. This development leads my delegation to the conviction that an international agreement on cocoa can be concluded before the second session of UNCTAD. But an agreement of this kind requires a spirit of goodwill and accommodation on the part of both producers and consumers. This spirit has characterized the consultations which have recently taken place. It is the earnest hope of my delegation that both producers and consumers will continue to show this spirit in all future consultations and negotiations so as to achieve a cocoa agreement before the second UNCTAD.
79. We still have before us an item on the agenda entitled "Comprehensive review of the whole question of peace-keeping operations in all their aspects" [item 37]. Thus it is pertinent for me to reiterate the consistent position of the Government of Ghana that, while the Security Council has primary responsibility in the peace-keeping field, this responsibility is not exclusive. And if the General Assembly, to prevent a paralysis of the United Nations as a result of a failure on the part of the Security Council to fulfil its role, acts to maintain international peace and security, all Members of the United Nations have a collective responsibility to bear the costs of operation and provide the wherewithal for the undertaking of the Assembly's recommendation.
80. My Government also believes that in all peacekeeping operations the principle of the consent of the host State must be held inviolate. If recent experience has shown that complete adherence to this principle could raise problems of its own, then it is necessary, prior to the stationing of a United Nations force in the host State, to obtain a formal legal commitment from the State with respect to the determination of the conditions under which the force could be withdrawn. Barring this, it would be unrealistic to expect the continued presence of a United Nations force in a country that had withdrawn its consent for such presence.
81. I stated earlier that the challenge of our time is to ensure progress achieved by peaceful means. In spite of the many problems that beset our Organization my delegation is convinced, judging by its record so far, that the United Nations has the vision and the will to meet this challenge.