1. On behalf of the delegation of Japan, I wish to express to you, Mr. President, our heartfelt congratulations on your election as President of the nineteenth' session of the General Assembly. We trust in your high wisdom and your wealth of experience in this world organ to lead this session to a successful conclusion. I wish especially to add that your election, with the wholehearted support of the African-Asian countries, of which my country is one, not only gives us very deep satisfaction, but also makes us even more aware of our responsibility to co-operate with you for the smooth and harmonious work of this session.
2. Let me also express at this time our profound thanks and appreciation to our former President, Mr. Carlos Sosa Rodriguez, who, with his wide knowledge of international affairs and his deep sense of fairness, guided the work of the eighteenth session in a manner that has greatly enhanced the authority and prestige of the United Nations.
3. I should also like to pay a warm tribute to the ripe wisdom and clear sense of purpose of our Secretary-General, U Thant, who has so efficiently discharged the important duties of his high office for the past three years. I am confident that he will continue to contribute in large measure to the cause of the United Nations and to the maintenance of international peace and security.
4. May' I take this occasion to extend my sincere congratulations and warm welcome to the delegations of Malawi, Malta and Zambia, and to express my confidence that they will all three contribute greatly to our work in the interests of world peace.
5. It is gratifying that a confrontation over the financial problem, which caused us great uneasiness andconcern prior to the opening of this session, has been avoided, thanks to the spirit of co-operation shown by the Members of this Organization. I hardly need to say that one of the foremost tasks of the United Nations is to undertake peace-keeping activities whenever the need arises, and it is the collective responsibility of all the Members to provide this Organization with the financial means to carry out this important function. The urgent duty now before us is to effect a basic and constructive settlement of this difficult problem.
6. My country will co-operate in every possible way in seeking a solution of this problem without prejudice to its basic position in the matter. I ask all the Member countries, and particularly the countries concerned, to exercise their highest wisdom and statesmanship and to exert all the efforts in their power to save the United Nations from the present crisis.
7. The time has come when we should embark with high hope and firm determination upon the consolidation of genuine peace in the world. Last year, we saw an agreement on the establishment of a direct communications link between Washington and Moscow. Then, in August 1963, came a historic event—the signing of a partial test ban treaty by the United States, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union. While this treaty does not give us complete satisfaction because it does not provide for the prohibition of underground testing, the fact that more than 100 nations have adhered to it is indeed a source of encouragement.
8. Following the momentum gained by the conclusion of the test ban treaty, a resolution [1884 (XVIII)] was adopted unanimously at the eighteenth session of the General Assembly to ban nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction from outer space, a resolution based mainly on an earlier agreement on this subject between the United States and the Soviet Union. And then, during the course of this past year, the United States, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union have respectively taken measures to reduce the production of, fissionable material for military purposes.
9. These steps can hardly be called disarmament measures in the true sense of the term, but they provide us with some encouragement and hope for further development towards general and complete disarmament. The fact that the leaders of the major Powers, in particular of the United States and the Soviet Union, have stressed on many recent occasions their determination to continue seeking the relaxation of tensions offers us additional reassurance and sustains our hopes for the future of mankind.
10. I do not mean to imply by any means that fundamental differences between East and West have been removed by these steps. Nevertheless, if earlier we were surrounded by utter darkness, it cannot be denied that we have recently begun to see the opening of opportunities for a more positive and constructive exercise of our energies for the building of a genuine peace. We welcome this trend and we see no good reason why the series of events which took place in October should greatly change it. In my view, we are now moving out of the transitional post-war period into a new era of constructive action.
11. In the background of this recent shift of the wind in the world situation we must recognize the formidably increased power of nuclear weapons. War, should it ever come, would inevitably involve the threat of nuclear war in which virtually all mankind would be doomed to total destruction. In the present world, there is only one choice between war and peace, and we know what our choice must be. And in this regard we cannot emphasize too strongly the heavy responsibility of all nuclear Powers for the fate of mankind now and in the future. If the series of measures which I mentioned a moment ago truly demonstrates such a sense of responsibility on the part of the major nuclear Powers—the United States, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union—it is a gratifying development for all mankind.
12. It is our earnest hope that all the nuclear Powers, deeply conscious of their responsibility, will exert their best efforts for the total prohibition of nuclear weapons tests, including underground tests, and for any other partial or collateral measures leading towards general and complete disarmament. If such concrete measures of disarmament can be realized, however small and incomplete they may be, they would greatly promote the easing of tension among the major Powers. An essential and urgent prerequisite to the achievement of this goal is agreement among all these major Powers on the principles of effective international control. We strongly appeal to the countries concerned to tackle this problem with renewed courage and decision, and with an open mind unshackled by past circumstances.
13. At this point, I am obliged to express our very deep regret that the People’s Republic of China, aiming to become a nuclear Power, detonated in October its first test of a nuclear device in the atmosphere. Japan is adamantly opposed to any nuclear weapons testing by any country, in the atmosphere, underground or under water because, inherent in any such testing, lies the possibility of escalation to. nuclear war. As a neighbouring nation of China, we cannot but express our deep concern, together with the other peoples of' the world, over the possible radio-active contamination of the atmosphere caused by the recent explosion on the Chinese mainland.
14. We particularly regret the fact that the People's Republic of China conducted its recent nuclear test in total indifference to and defiance of the existence of the partial nuclear test ban treaty. This act was, in fact, an open betrayal of the earnest hope and desire for peace expressed by the millions upon millions of people of more than a hundred countries in the world through their enthusiastic support of the treaty.
15. If the People's Republic of China truly desires a ban on the use of nuclear weapons and their total destruction, the course it should take is not to work for the build-up of its nuclear strength, but, first of all, to adhere to the partial test ban treaty, then to co-operate with other nuclear Powers to expand it into a comprehensive test ban treaty and facilitating the achievement of nuclear disarmament. We feel grave doubts about the intentions of the Communist Chinese leaders who launch a nuclear test explosion with a view to developing their nuclear arsenal and who in the same breath advocate the holding of a world summit conference on the prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons.
16. If mainland China is sincere in its proposal, then it should correctly assess and respond to the aspirations of the world's millions by suspending all further tests and immediately subscribing to the test ban treaty.
17. In the introduction to his annual report to the nineteenth session [A/5801/Add.1], our Secretary- General suggested the possibility of a dialogue among the five nuclear Powers. This suggestion should merit our very careful consideration, if such a dialogue could reasonably be expected to make a substantial contribution to the progress of negotiations in the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, with particular reference to a comprehensive prohibition of all nuclear weapons testing.
18. I would now like to touch upon the remarkable progress of science and technology in recent times.
19. The successful eighteenth Olympiad recently held in Tokyo was clearly seen live on television by millions of people in their homes thousands of miles away. This was made possible by the extraordinary power of science, with particular thanks to Syncom III, a communications satellite launched over the Pacific Ocean at an extremely high altitude.
20. The great achievements of the space-ship Voskhod and Ranger VII have made it clear that a voyage to the moon has now emerged from the realm of imagination and mere science fiction.
21. We are experiencing, day by day, dramatic changes not only in the military and industrial fields, but also in our lives as individuals and societies. I hardly need to emphasize the close relationship between such scientific and technological progress and the recent changes in the international situation. Science and technology have advanced not only in their negative aspects, increasing the horrible power of nuclear energy to the point where it is capable of destroying all mankind and our whole civilization, but also positively, giving mankind the promise of untold possibilities for economic and social progress.
22. Perhaps we have now reached the point of no return in the destiny of mankind. Science and technology are moving forward; they cannot retreat. But it is up to human beings to decide how they shall be used.
23. Being thus fully cognizant of the power of science to sway the destiny of mankind, we must promote international co-operation in furtherance of the positive uses of science for the purpose of creating a true and lasting peace and, in particular, of advancing the economic and social welfare of the developing countries.
24. I believe that we must exert all possible efforts towards the realization of genuine peace in the world. Though this is far from an easy task, beset as it is with many obstacles and difficulties, we must not waste a single day. Changes there are in the international situation, but there still exist, in various parts of the world, insecurity, disputes of a local nature and, in some cases, even resort to the use of force. The evolution of the international situation is also bringing about hostile confrontations and an increase of tension in some regions of the world. We cannot for a moment dismiss the possibility that such regional disturbances might develop into serious threats to the world and to mankind.
25. The task before us, then, is, in the first place, to face up to the international situation confronting us and endeavour further to attain the goal of disarmament and the total prohibition of nuclear weapon tests, and, in accordance with the aims and spirit of the United Nations, to strive to establish a truly effective system of ensuring peace and security in the world. At the same time, we must build a peace that is a concrete reality rich in substance, and not a merely abstract notion. For that purpose, we must further exert our efforts not only for the achievement of economic progress, including the satisfactory solution of what is called the North-South problem, but also for the attainment of full respect for human rights, the elimination of racial discrimination and the achievement of the early independence of the remaining colonial and other Non-Self-Governing Territories.
26. It goes without saying that, in order to tackle such a diversity of extensive and interdependent problems, we must ever more positively promote cooperation among nations, placing ourselves in the great stream of world history and keeping the future in broad perspective before our eyes. In these days, when there is a strong trend toward greater self-assertion, freedom and independence, deriving in part from the easing of East-West tensions, there is need to emphasize that all the nations of the world should promote mutual co-operation without foundering in narrow nationalism or chauvinism, and should enhance respect for each other's freedom and independence, even though they have different political ideologies and different social systems or are at different stages of economic development.
27. The task before us cannot be accomplished in a day. And in this difficult and unavoidable task It is the United Nations which should play the leading role. The time is at hand when this world Organization must face the challenge and the opportunity to demonstrate its true worth and potential. It is above all essential for all the States Members of the United Nations to make a first resolute step, with renewed determination, without losing sight of the direction in which the world must now advance. We have arrived
at a great historic moment, when all the Members of this Organization must be ready to assume greater responsibilities and obligations.
28. The questions we are now facing are truly manifold and complex. The most urgent and crucial question is how to strengthen the United Nations in its peace-keeping role. What is commonly called the North-South problem is also a matter of immediate concern at the present time. I should now like to state the views of my delegation on those questions.
29. How best to strengthen the peace-keeping function of the United Nations has been a perennial problem of urgent importance to us. The time has now come when we must seriously and earnestly review this problem. In that connexion, the proposal put forward by the Soviet Union [A/5721] to the effect that United Nations forces should be established on a permanent basis in accordance with Article 43 of the Charter, should be carefully noted. That proposal poses a grave problem, because it places in the Security Council exclusive competence to decide all questions relating not only to the establishment, dispatch and employment but also to the financing of United Nations forces. Such an idea is far from realistic unless real cooperation is maintained among the permanent members of the Security Council, which are vested with the veto. More specifically, it poses a problem of financing the forces under relevant Charter provisions, and raises other controversial questions by applying the so-called "troika" system to the command of United Nations forces and excluding the five veto- hole"-ng Members from participating in the forces.
30. The peace-keeping function of the United Nations should be further strengthened within the framework of a realistic system and organization, in consonance with the objectives and spirit of the Charter. Hence, even pending the establishment of United Nations forces under Article 43, the United Nations, as an organization with responsibilities for world peace, should be equipped with peace-keeping machinery enabling it to deal effectively with all the situations which confront it in that capacity. Therefore, due regard being paid to the principle of the primary, responsibility of the Security Council, the established practice should be maintained—that is, the General Assembly should be able to act on behalf of the Security Council if the latter is unable to perform its peace-keeping function because of the exercise of the veto.
31. From a similar point of view, the moves made by Canada, the Scandinavian countries and the Netherlands to establish stand-by forces for the United Nations should be regarded as constructive and very timely in present circumstances. We pay a high tribute to those countries for their positive efforts and devotion to the cause of world peace.
32. It is gratifying to note that discussions on the establishment of United Nations forces on a permanent basis are at last being taken up seriously, spurred on by such moves as the Soviet proposal for the establishment of United Nations forces based on Article 43 and the provisions of stand-by forces for the United Nations by the countries I have just mentioned. I hope that United Nations forces on a permanent basis will come into being as soon as possible, and that the forces thus established will evolve into the "United Nations peace force" envisaged in the process leading to complete disarmament. To that end, all Member States, including my own, should further extend active and positive co-operation in the exploration and study of the various interdependent aspects of this problem.
33. In connexion with the peace-keeping function, it is a matter of great regret that not a few local disputes or tensions exist at present—in Cyprus, the Congo and various parts of Asia. My country, by- reason of its geography, feels a particularly great sense of anxiety and apprehension about certain situations in Asia—situations in which tension, instability and sometimes even the use of force prevail. Those situations are without question detrimental to the peace not only of that area but of the world at large.
34. We must all reflect upon the plight of Asia, stagnating in the midst of confusion and anxiety, at a time when every country should join together with others, in concert and co-operation, and exert its utmost effort towards the realization of genuine peace in the world. I earnestly hope that all the countries concerned, in a spirit of mutual understanding and co-operation, will endeavour at the earliest possible time to find a peaceful solution of the problems with which they are now confronted. Our country wishes to make as large a contribution as possible to achieving that purpose.
35. There is no need to dwell upon the fact that the question of China. occupies a very important place in the situation now prevailing in Asia. It is for that reason that Japan, which, geographically, historically and culturally, has very close ties with China, has hitherto asserted that this question requires very careful deliberation, based on a realistic and balanced appraisal of all the factors involved. In considering at the present session the question of the representation of China in the United Nations, we deem it necessary to maintain a prudent attitude, recalling the resolution adopted at the sixteenth session of the General Assembly, in 1961 [1668 (XVI)], that any proposal to change the representation of China is an important question within the meaning of Article 18 of the Charter.
36. I wish to stress once again that all disputes should be settled by peaceful means. The pacific settlement of disputes is the primary objective of the Charter for the purpose of maintaining peace, and it is also the highest responsibility of each and every Member State. Yet in actuality, though in different degrees, the threat or use of force is often exercised in Asia and in various other parts of the world.
37. Of course, the reasons leading to the threat or use of force are manifold, and they are not always simple. However, we should stand firmly on the position that any threat or use of force, and any aggression, regardless of origin, should be denounced, except in a clearly unavoidable case of self-defence, and we should concentrate our efforts on the pacific settlement of disputes. We believe that that is the only way to conform to the purposes and principles of the Charter. In this regard, let me emphasize that it is not only the direct use of force that must be denounced; any act of indirect aggression must be as vigorously denounced.
38. The denunciation of the use of force would, however, become meaningless unless it facilitated in fact the pacific settlement of disputes. Therefore we must direct our endeavours to removing the causes of disputes. In other words, we should co-operate more actively, in a constructive attitude and in a spirit of mutual understanding, to settle problems which might lead to or are at the sources of disputes, before they actually arise. In this connexion, I can only express the strong hope that a fair and amicable settlement of the question of the northern territories of Japan will be found as soon as possible. Most important of all, every Member country must demonstrate its zeal for the realization of genuine peace and show it by actual deeds, for this is the true measure of respect for the purposes and principles of the Charter.
39. In order to make peace truly meaningful and lasting, we must work for progress and prosperity in the world economy as a whole. The so-called North- South problem, or the problem of organizing cooperation between the developed and the developing countries, is among our most urgent tasks in our effort to build a new era of peace. In this connexion, we attach great significance to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development held at Geneva from 23 March to 15 June 1964 on a scale unparalleled in the annals of international conferences.
40. The great achievement of that Conference was that it not only brought about a wide recognition of the importance of the North-South problem, but also helped us identify the issues involved and obtain a number of suggestions concerning the direction in which international measures should be sought. As a nation which for nearly a century has trodden the thorny path of economic development, Japan cannot but have deep and sympathetic regard for the common aspirations and demands expressed by the developing countries at the Conference. Japan is always ready to listen carefully to these countries, and will take their views fully into account in deciding upon the measures to be adopted in assisting them,
41. Another important achievement of the Conference is, of course, the establishment of an institution to deal with the North-South problem on a continuing basis. We earnestly hope that the present Assembly will soon approve the Conference recommendation on the establishment of new continuing machinery of the United Nations on trade and development and enable the various organs centred around the Trade and Development Board to start functioning within the framework of our Organization. Fully aware of the important role to be played by the new machinery as a centre of international activities in the field of trade and development, Japan intends to participate constructively in its work when it commences.
42. Here my delegation would like to emphasize the strong desirability that the new institution should become a meeting place where all countries, developed or developing, may work together in search of solutions to our common problems in a spirit of cooperation. It should not provide a mere debating forum. For the new institution to be constructive and effective, it is essential that both the developed and the developing countries establish a practice of seeking with mutual trust, solutions which would command the widest possible support. If such a practice gradually evolves out of the institution, its recommendations and resolutions will have more practical meaning and greater effectiveness.
43. Japan will spare no effort within its power to co-operate with the developing countries in increasing and diversifying their exports. The fact cannot be ignored, however, that trade expansion requires the efforts of the exporting as well as of the importing countries, and mutual understanding of the difficulties involved on either side.
44. The strengthening of aid efforts is just as important an issue of the new era as trade expansion. In response to the serious efforts of the developing countries to advance their economic growth, the developed countries, which unanimously supported an early increase in the volume of aid to the level of 1 per cent of their respective national incomes, must expand and improve their economic and technical co-operation programmes. Japan, for its part, is determined to continue to intensify its aid efforts with a view to assisting the developing countries further in their own development efforts.
45. During the past two decades, the United Nations has played a truly great role in the maintenance of world peace and the economic and social advancement that underlies it. That fact amply testifies that the purposes and principles set forth in the Charter have a lasting and constant value that cannot be washed away by the currents of time. However, embarked as we are on our constructive work in pursuit of genuine peace, we must also admit that an equally important task devolving upon us is to undertake an over-all review of the Charter, based on past experience and present reality, and with the object of further strengthening the United Nations in accordance with the purposes and principles of the Charter. The adoption at the eighteenth session of the General Assembly of a resolution [1991 (XVIII)] for the expansion of both the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council proved that amendments to the Charter could, even if only partially, become a reality.
46. With the twentieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations coming next year, now is the time of all times to consider seriously an over-all review of the Charter. To this end, everything must be done to give effect to the Charter amendments for the expansion of both the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council. For our part, it is our intention to take the necessary steps for the early ratification of these amendments, I strongly hope that the same will be done promptly by as many countries as possible, especially by the permanent Members of the Security Council, whose ratification is indispensable to make the amendments effective.
47. The international situation is now changing and the world is on the point of moving forward in search of genuine peace. Our task is to seize this opportunity forthrightly and to embark on the creation of a new order based on law and justice, and on that foundation to realize a truly durable world peace. Naturally, the road ahead of us is not necessarily an easy one. We must not forget that if we take the wrong turn, we may run the risk of inviting serious confusion and disorder. We have reached a point where we can no longer evade our responsibility. All the nations of the world, accepting as they must the sublime purposes of the United Nations as their own, should exert their highest efforts to fulfill this grave responsibility and succeed in this undertaking by all possible means.
48. Mr. President, I hope and trust that this Assembly will be restored to normalcy without delay and that, under your leadership, it will accomplish fruitful results and make a further valuable contribution to the realization of genuine peace in the world. I assure you, Mr. President, that the Japanese delegation will spare no effort in co-operating to this end.