38. Mr. President, I should like to congratulate you, on behalf of the Yugoslav delegation and in my own name, on your election to the Presidency of the nineteenth session of the General Assembly. Your election is due recognition of the constructive policy of your country and of your personal merits. It is, at the same time, a reflection of the profound changes that have taken place in international relations and of the recognition of the growing role, contribution and importance of Africa and African countries in our Organization and in the world.
39. I also wish to welcome the new Members of our Organization—Malawi, Malta and Zambia — and to extend to them our best wishes. The attainment of independence by these countries and their admission to the United Nations is a great victory, not only for their peoples, but for all those who are struggling for freedom, equality and peace in the world.
40. The past year has been one of very intensive activity for those countries united by a common interest in safeguarding the peace and by the desire to establish among nations and States relationships of genuine equality, mutual respect and fruitful international cooperation. The nineteenth session of the General Assembly was preceded by a series of important international gatherings and conferences. All those gatherings were characterized by the common determination of their participants to make new efforts to secure peace in freedom and equality and to place international relations on new, more democratic foundations.
41. The most recent among those important conferences was the Second Conference of Non-Aligned Countries, whose participants opted resolutely for peace and freedom. A “Programme for Peace and International Co-operation”was adopted at this Conference. That programme fully supports the solving of international disputes by peaceful means. It also reflects the conviction of the participating countries that the preservation of world peace depends on the solution of current international problems. Among those problems, particular attention was paid to the need for the immediate eradication of colonialism and for a persistent struggle against neo-colonialism, for the acceleration of economic development through the implementation of the recommendations of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, for disarmament and for the codification of the principles of active and peaceful coexistence.
42. There were fifty-seven participants at the Second Conference of Non-Aligned Countries, as compared with twenty-eight only three years earlier at Belgrade, when the guidelines for further action by non-aligned countries were laid down. This is one demonstration of the fact that the process of political emancipation of States cannot be stopped, that this process is leading to truly independent action, and that States are no longer willing to acquiesce in policies which are contrary to their own vital interests.
43. The policy of dividing the world into opposing military-political groupings, which by its very nature fosters inequality, has become increasingly unacceptable. The world is becoming ever more united. The consolidation of peace and the securing of conditions for free and unimpeded development are the common interest. This common interest was expressed in the convening of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development and in the proceedings at the Conference itself.
44. The political liberation of former colonial and Non-Self-Governing Territories has emphasized the absolute necessity of speeding their economic emancipation through changes in the existing structure of world production and trade. A new international division of labour must be evolved in accordance with the needs and interests of developing countries and the world economy as a whole. Without changing the international division of labour, which dates from the colonial era, no newly liberated country will be able to eliminate social backwardness and economic dependence. Economic emancipation is, in fact, the key to the elimination of all forms of political domination, old and new.
45. The historic importance of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development lies both in the fact that it reflects changed conditions in the political and economic structure of the world and in that it proposes methods for the solving of international economic problems. In certain cases it has already given important recommendations for action.
46. Although the Geneva Conference did not produce specific solutions for some of the fundamental problems it considered, it recommended a programme of action, the implementation of which has been generally recognized as the responsibility of the entire international community. The inconsistent practice of recognizing the need for action to solve worldwide problems of economic development, whilst at the same time delaying such action cannot long continue.
47. Viewed in that light, the recently adopted General Assembly resolution 1995 (XIX), endorsing the recommendations of the Conference on the establishing of United Nations machinery for a systematic solution of the problems of international trade and development, is of particular importance. The new machinery reflects a general political understanding. It is the political will of all the interested parties to cooperate in achieving mutually beneficial goals in the field of economic development. Its task is, first of all, to take concrete steps, within both international and national frameworks, to implement the recommendations of the Geneva Conference. The growing economic interdependence of all States, regardless of their social, economic or political differences, calls for a change in method; economic problems should be approached in terms of the interests of world economy as a whole. Such a change in approach would certainly result in a more direct application of the United Nations Charter and in the strengthening of our Organization.
48. The developing countries view the new machinery not only as a guarantee that the recommendations of the Geneva Conference will be implemented, but also as an instrument for further action within a comprehensive, long-term programme which would mobilize the world's tremendous economic potential and give new impetus to the progressive development of world economy. In that respect, the Joint Declaration of the seventy-seven developing countries, issued at the end of the Geneva Conference, represents their evaluation of the results of the first stage of their efforts. It is also, above all, an agreement on the need for further joint co-operation.
49. This latter fact was recently confirmed by the work of the group of seventy-seven developing countries to ensure the adoption by the General Assembly of the recommendation of the Conference concerning the establishment of new machinery. The concerted action of the representatives of such a large number of countries, not only in terms of their general stand, but also in the specific formulation of all major proposals for the solution of trade, financial and other economic problems, represents one of the most important elements contributing to the further elaboration and implementation of the recommendations of the Conference, and the suppression of those opposed to them. The solidarity of the group of seventy-seven developing countries has, in our opinion, opened a new chapter in the history of international co-operation, a chapter which is full of great new possibilities,
50. The efforts of all who value peace to end the "cold war", to establish among States — irrespective of their socio-political systems, size, power and level of development — relations of mutual respect and co-operation, and to solve controversial issues by negotiation, have borne fruit. There has been a relaxation of tension in the world, negotiations have begun, and favourable conditions have been created for the settlement of outstanding problems. The last two years have proved that, through negotiation, agreements can be reached even with regard to the most complex issues.
51. The world has greeted with a sigh of relief the improvement of relations between the United States and the Soviet Union and the acceptance of negotiation as the method for the settlement of disputes. It Is reasonable to demand that the use of negotiation to reach agreement should be expanded to include other countries and to embrace problems outside the narrow confines of East-West relations. The future of those relations will depend greatly on the settlement of such problems. The big Powers bear especial, but in no way exclusive responsibility for the maintenance of peace in the world. They have an obligation to explore ways and means of stabilizing the peace. They can negotiate successfully, however, only if they enjoy the support of the international community. In order to enjoy such support, the great Powers must of course, when negotiating, bear in mind the interests of all countries, irrespective of their power and size.
52. As international tensions eased and greater stress was placed on policies of active and peaceful coexistence, resistance grew on the part of those forces that were not suited by such a development. There were periodic moments of dangerous tension and there was recourse to armed force in some parts of the world* In the interest of all mankind, such actions have been and must be opposed and condemned by all those who value peace.
53. My country’s position regarding such a policy has been set forth unequivocally in statements concerning developments in Cyprus, South Viet-Nam and the Congo. Yugoslavia has condemned and will continue to condemn all actions that threaten peace, as well as any failure to respect the right of all peoples to self-determination, freedom and equality.
54. Some colonial Powers are still stubbornly trying to arrest the process of liberation of colonial peoples. This is particularly true in the case of colonies to which special military-strategic, political and economic importance is attached. There is an obvious tendency to retain those colonies as strongholds from which it will be possible to obstruct the stabilization of neighbouring countries, to endanger their development and independence and to undertake various measures of pressure and interference, or even to resort to the use of arms.
55. It is a matter for serious concern that such actions by colonial Powers are supported by certain States with political and economic interests in the regions concerned. Those States have increasingly and with growing persistence attempted to subjugate economically the newly liberated and the developing countries, and in doing so have been limiting their political independence.
56. The decisions of the Cairo Conference emphasize the need to take immediate measures to accelerate the liquidation of colonialism and apartheid, and to support peoples engaged in the struggle for freedom and unhampered development. The patterns of uneven development and conflict which have evolved in recent years underscore the increasing need for a policy of active and peaceful coexistence and for its full application. This policy makes possible the preservation and stabilization of peace in the world, as well as the complete liquidation of colonialism and neocolonialism, the elimination of every form of inequality, the acceleration of the development of developing countries and their full economic and political emancipation, disarmament, and the creation of conditions under which mankind will be freed from the fear of war and v/ill, at last, be able to place its creative genius at the service of peace and progress for all. The resistance offered to such a policy comes from different quarters and stems from different positions, but the purpose is always the same — namely, to impede the process of emancipation and freedom of action of newly liberated and developing countries.
57. Recent developments, as well as the increased number of countries endorsing the policy of active and peaceful coexistence, have confirmed that the struggle for peace and freedom on many fronts is a single process. In the atomic age, the strengthening of the independence and unimpeded development of developing countries can be achieved only through the preservation of peace, negotiation and international co-operation. That, we feel, needs to be particularly stressed, as there are some who contend that it is possible to apply the policy of coexistence to relations with some partners, while ensuring one's interests in other countries by applying a policy of pressure and resorting to the use of force. A policy of preferential treatment for one region and of pressure and interference in the internal affairs of States in other regions actually amounts to a distortion of peaceful coexistence, which cannot be twisted into meaning the maintenance of the status quo in regions where colonial relations and different forms of inequality are still in existence. Attempts to do so have, of course, nothing in common with the spirit of the policy of active and peaceful coexistence.
58. No less harmful are concepts which, taking as their departing point the premise that no one will dare start a nuclear war, advocate the aggravation of international relations as a means, allegedly, of speeding the progress of a given people toward genuine independence. We do not believe that the champions of this dangerous concept fail to take into account the fact that the cold war, in the course of which political influence was concentrated in the hands of big Powers, adversely affected the struggle of dependent peoples for liberation and, in general, impeded the growth of the influence of less developed and small States on world affairs.
59. We feel very strongly that it is necessary that the principle of peaceful coexistence become a norm governing relations among States. The stability of international relations would thereby be greatly enhanced. For that reason, it is necessary to codify those principles. The codification of the principles of peaceful coexistence would give increased legality in international relations to a ban on the threat and use of force, to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, to that of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States, and to the right to self-determination and unobstructed political, social and economic development. Such codification would enhance the moral obligation of all States to co-operate in the implementation of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and in the safeguarding of world peace.
60. The key issue of our time, upon the solution of which the improvement of international relations and the solution of disputes in the world actually depend, is disarmament. The present method of dealing with disarmament has not produced satisfactory results in spite of the fact that an atmosphere conducive to agreement has existed. If such a course continues, one cannot realistically expect satisfactory results in the future either. The present approach to the problem of disarmament has been accompanied, in the course of two decades, by an unrestrained arms race which has resulted in greater inequality in international relations. We have reached a point at which we are faced with the following alarming facts:
61. Mankind spends over $40 per capita annually on war preparations, while the developing countries exert all their efforts to invest a little more than the present $10 per capita annually in economic development. More than 80 million people serve in armies, or are connected in one way or another with the world’s defence industries. The number of nuclear Powers has risen to five, with prospects of further increase. Nuclear tests are being continued. The variety of nuclear weapons and their destructive power have reached unheard-of proportions, while the methods for their delivery have been improved. Stockpiles of nuclear weapons in the possession of nuclear Powers are estimated at over 300,000 megatons. Superbombs of up to 100 megatons have been created. Intercontinental ballistic missiles to replace obsolete bombers and even obsolete missiles have been developed.
62. Responsible statesmen and scientists have repeatedly warned that it is high time to start disarming and that the alleged risks of disarmament are incomparably smaller than those involved in the arms race. They have also pointed out that further perfection of nuclear weapons can no longer serve any nation's defence purposes.
63. We deem it indispensable and in the general interest that disarmament negotiations should be conducted in a more realistic manner. New efforts should be exerted on a wider scale. In this respect, the responsibility of the nuclear Powers, although not exclusive, is undoubtedly the greatest. It is the duty and the right of all other Member States of the United Nations as well as of non-member States to make the most significant contribution possible to the solution of this problem. It is imperative, in our view, to convene a general conference on disarmament or a number of conferences on specific aspects and measures of disarmament, in which all countries would participate.
64. Nuclear weapons represent, for obvious reasons, the greatest danger to the existence of the human race. Consequently, the demand that this problem be examined as a matter of urgency and that steps be taken as soon as possible for the elimination of nuclear weapons is quite understandable.
65. Yugoslavia has actively supported agreement on initial and partial measures, considering that this would make it easier to create conditions for the solving of the problem of disarmament. We have always pointed out, however, that those measures, in order to be effective, should be radical in character and should have direct material, and political results. In this respect, without underestimating the importance of agreements on measures having an explicitly political impact and contributing to the growth of confidence, we believe that such measures cannot be substituted for and passed off as measures of disarmament.
66. Partial measures which could be objectively realized under the present conditions would be in our opinion: first, a pledge that nuclear weapons shall not be used; second, the prohibition of all nuclear weapons tests, without any exception; third, the prevention of direct or indirect dissemination of all types of nuclear weapons, and an agreement to start denuclearizing the nuclear Powers themselves.
67. If the big Powers do not themselves denuclearize, no one can seriously believe that the dissemination of nuclear weapons can be prevented. Agreement on such measures could be realized in the immediate future. They would preserve the indispensable balance while gradually reducing the capacity to destroy. True security is to be sought only in decelerating arc! not in accelerating the arms race.
68. We shall have more to say about these measures and about disarmament in general at a later stage. The urgency of this question and other problems points even more to the necessity of overcoming the present abnormal situation in the work of our Organization.
69. The work of the General Assembly is blocked to an extent unknown even at the time of the most severe cold-war tensions among the big Powers. This situation constitutes a peculiar form of resistance to all that is new and progressive in international relations. It cannot be explained merely as failure to agree on how to liquidate the financial deficit. First of all, the existence of the deficit is not a new thing, nor has it seriously obstructed the normal functioning of our Organization in the past. This does not mean, of course, that we should not exert combined efforts to overcome these difficulties, since the financial situation of the United Nations demands an urgent solution, as the Secretary-General stated yesterday. Yugoslavia, for its part, has done what it can to contribute to a solution of the financial problems of our Organization. We supported the African- Asian plan, which was designed to overcome the present crisis. The Foreign Affairs Committee of the Yugoslav National Assembly made a statement on 12 January in which this plan was endorsed as an acceptable formula for finding a solution. The Yugoslav delegation will continue to support all initiatives to this end.
70. It is nevertheless obvious that disagreement on finances is not the only or even the chief reason for the present impasse. In our opinion, a more grave crisis is involved here. New States have emerged and have been actively included in international life; the balance of power in the world has been altered; demands for the introduction of a greater degree of democracy in the world Organization in particular, and in international relations in general, have been put forward; the independence of States and their aspirations towards greater freedom of action have been strengthened; there is a clash between the just demands of the majority and the interests of a privileged minority. Such resistance to new developments manifests itself also in the fields of decolonization, disarmament, world trade and development, codification of the principles of peaceful coexistence — wherever the growing influence and action of the international Organization are felt. In other words, the crisis that the world Organization is experiencing at present reflects the unwillingness and/or inability of some countries to relinquish obsolete conceptions and to approach international problems and their relations with other countries in a constructive manner, in conformity with the interests of peace and the requirements of contemporary developments.
71. This state of affairs does not at all justify those who are deliberately undermining the prestige and significance of the United Nations. Actually, such stands benefit those who are opposed to the strengthening of the United Nations and to its further development and democratization. We feel that the present abnormal situation in the United Nations is also due to the fact that the structure of some of the principal organs of our Organization does not reflect adequately the changes that have occurred with regard to its membership. This underlines even more the necessity of ratifying, as rapidly as possible, the amendments on enlarging the membership of the main organs of the United Nations.
72. The prevention of the normal work of the General Assembly harm? the interests of all Member States. It threatens the future of our Organization and the further improvement of international relations. For this reason, it is the duty of each and every me of us, according to his possibilities, to contribute to a settlement of the present crisis and to the normalization of the work of the nineteenth session of the Assembly. It goes without saying that those who have a greater potential to contribute to a solution of this crisis, bear a proportionally larger responsibility for doing so.
73. The non-aligned and developing countries consider it their duty to continue efforts to this end, which will enable us to engage, jointly and effectively, in a search for the solution of those problems whose persistence has actually brought about the present crisis.
74. Under the complex and controversial conditions of post-war development, the United Nations has had the difficult task of finding solutions for numerous problems — some inherited and others newly-created. In spite of its weaknesses, which are to some extent the result of the imperfection of the Charter or of United Nations machinery, but to a greater extent the result of the attitude and policies adopted by individual Member States towards the world Organization—the United Nations has played a major role with regard to the safeguarding of peace, the elimination of colonialism and the realization of equality among peoples and States, Under the present circumstances, the United Nations, as President Tito said last December: "... remains an irreplaceable instrument of rapprochement among nations, and the broadest framework for participation by all nations on a footing of equality in the solution of world problems; this despite all difficulties and shortcomings and the unfavourable conditions under which the Organization continues to operate. It is of prime importance to consolidate the United Nations further, and particularly to apply fully the principles of universality and more consistent democracy; it must also be adapted continually to new trends and needs".
75. Guided by the principles of active and peaceful co-existence, the Yugoslav Government shall spare no efforts in order to contribute, in co-operation with other countries, to the settlement of outstanding international problems, the establishment of new and more democratic relations among nations and the strengthening of our Organization and its role in international life.