25. Mr. President, with your kind permission I have a rather strange remark to make as an introduction to my statement.
26. In these days, many representatives are leaving for their home countries with the intention of coming back for the continuation of the general debate in January. At whose expense will they do so? Nobody would be surprised if a proposal were made to the effect that the United States should cover all the additional expenses of this Organization and of Member States, owing to the extraordinary procedure of this session. Whatever nonsense such a strange proposal may make, nevertheless it would be an eloquent indication of the awkwardness of the situation in which the nineteenth session of the General Assembly, if not the whole Organization in general, finds itself.
27. The responsibility for having involved this Organization in this kind of frustrated activities must be found somewhere. Considerable lessons may be drawn from it, useful ones, not only for this session, but for the future of this Organization, and even for the international scene in general.
28. As a matter of fact, what we have had to experience in recent months, with regard to this Organization, is a new sort of cold war. In this changing world, considering the new composition of the United Nations, cold war activities cannot be carried on in the same manner as before. Both methods and subject matters of cold war propaganda have had to be changed. Under the new conditions of the world situation, it has become inevitable that cold war activities should be carried on in disguised forms and with indirect subject matters. The new Members of the United Nations, eager to solve their really essential problems, would not tolerate old- fashioned cold war performances.
29. I do not wish to enter into details. The main features of this cold war action can be described very briefly. The session should have started on the third Tuesday of September. The new bloodshed in the Congo could have been prevented in that case, but the opening of the session was postponed until 10 November. If we had started at that time, it would have been almost impossible to stop negotiations on the Congo affairs and to resort to a new form of interference. The session was again put off, until 1 December, just in order to give time for the so-called "rescue operation". Parallel to all those manoeuvres, unconstitutional demands were raised against Member States which defended the Charter against attempts to undermine the whole Organization. It has been self-evident from the very beginning that the demands are unacceptable and that they would upset and destroy the very structure of the United Nations. Consequently, the entire Organization has been paralysed ever since 1 December, and no sure solution is in sight as yet. We are already even being told by some that the problem of resuming this session after the recess could be solved by transferring the entire agenda to the jubilee session of the General Assembly to be opened in September next year.
30. The simplest way of evaluating the present situation is to recall what the political atmosphere of the general debate of the last session looked like. We were at the time witnessing the beneficial effects of the Moscow Treaty in the firm expectation of further progress on the same lines. It was the general understanding of the overwhelming majority here that international co-operation must be strengthened against the dangers of a thermo-nuclear war, with a view to achieving complete decolonization for the welfare of the newly independent nations.
31. In that favourable climate of the last session, my delegation came out with a threefold question: "First, is this so-called armistice in the cold war just a temporary mood, one which will soon pass, or are there in the background any permanent factors that have prompted a lessening of general tensions? "Secondly, what should be done so that this period of ’détente’ might continue? In all probability, everything depends on what use will be made of the pause in the cold war. "Thirdly, then, what step could next be taken to widen the scope of agreements that would not only prolong but even deepen mutual understanding and international co-operation?" [1226th meeting, paras. 77, 78, 79].
32. In recalling the favourable atmosphere at the start of the eighteenth session, I wish to state that the questions I have just quoted were questions not only of my delegation but of many representatives attending the last session. The expectations and questions alike were wholly justified. They were prompted by the objective factors of the situation at that time.
33. In the present, somewhat confused situation we may state with confidence that the favourable factors of the world situation have not changed for the worse, only the pause in the cold war has not been put to good use by all concerned. Some Powers have used it for new cold war and even aggressive acts.
34. It is characteristic of the resoluteness of the progressive forces represented here by the overwhelming majority of the United Nations that even the new cold war attempts and the aggressive forces are unable to set back the favourable development of international life. The forces of peace, anticolonialism and general progress are vigilant enough, and they have proved their determination in an excellent way during the discussions at this session as well.
35. Whatever those who have tried to wreck the United Nations intended to achieve comes out much more clearly in this period of confrontation than it ever did. As a result of this confrontation, the United Nations, not being able to deal with its agenda, because of its frustration, has put itself on its own agenda and on the table of the Governments of Member States. In reconsidering the Charter and the functioning of the United Nations, delegations to the nineteenth session have made it clear what kind of United Nations they need, and they have expressed their determination to protect the United Nations against imperialist attacks.
38. What the attempt against the United Nations has been aimed at is obvious. One article of the Charter is used against another — that is to say, against the whole context of the Charter and against the very foundation of the United Nations. Article 19 has been singled out against Article 46, which says: "Plans for the application of armed force shall be made by the Security Council
37. Indonesia and the Netherlands set an illuminating example — of course, under different conditions and in an essentially different context, but fully valid as to the main point — of how to settle financial questions in connexion with United Nations special services. In 1962, when the question of West Irian was settled, and the United Nations was to take over the responsibilities in those territories for a certain period of time, the parties concerned made a special arrangement to meet the costs of the United Nations action and informed the General Assembly accordingly.
38. By foregoing the implementation of Article 46, some Western Powers have wanted to weaken the entire Organization and to turn it once again into an instrument of colonialist and neo-colonialist Powers in the service of their aspiration for regaining world domination. Manoeuvres around the nineteenth session were aimed at transforming the United Nations, against the interests of the overwhelming majority of Member States, into a docile instrument to be used at the capricious pleasure of colonialist and neo-colonialist forces.
39. As a consequence of the firm stand of the Soviet Union and other Member States concerned, the manoeuvre has failed, and the determination of the newly independent nations has saved the United Nations,
40. The developing nations of Africa and Asia have once again rendered immeasurable help to the United Nations. The first beneficial action of the newly independent nations in this Organization has been realized step by step during recent years, by purifying the atmosphere of this Organization of old-fashioned cold war propaganda. In the general debate of the present session, they have performed an even more beneficial action by thwarting the new-fashioned cold war actions and safeguarding the true principles of the United Nations against attempts to undermine the entire Organization. They have saved the United Nations, and they have a special right to say what kind of United Nations is needed in the present world situation.
41. Their participation in the work of the United Nations guarantees a more effective functioning of this Organization on the very basis of the Charter. They contribute to securing the future of the United Nations by preventing any new effort to make ill use of it. With their co-operation, any action, such as the illegal dealing with the Congo, can be prevented, and United Nations action can be taken only for the sake of international peace and security.
42. The Heads of State and Government of fifty non- aligned nations at the Cairo Conference in October 1964 made it clear that they favoured the effective implementation of the Charter. They declared: "The United Nations Organization was established to promote international peace and security, to develop international understanding and co-operation, to safeguard human rights and fundamental freedom and to achieve all the purposes of the Charter" [A/5763, sect. IX). In this sense they recommended that all Member States should render every assistance necessary for the Organization to fulfil its role in the maintenance of international peace and security.
43. International peace and security are to be looked at from new viewpoints in the present situation. The United Nations, when dealing with issues of peace and security, should pay more attention to the peace and security of newly independent nations. The representative of the Republic of Indonesia made a very remarkable statement in that connexion during the general debate. He said: "The struggle for peace and security in the United Nations has so far been dominated by the struggle for peace and security of the great Powers involved in the so-called cold war. I do not say that the peace and security of the great Powers is not of great value to the world as a whole, including the newly independent nations. But very often it is forgotten that these newly emerging nations have their own problems of peace and security." [1300th meeting, para. 147.] Further, he stated: "It is now the new emerging problem — no less acute than any other — of the security, of the peace and security of the newly developing nations, of the newly emerging forces. More than half the present membership of the United Nations is confronted with this new international problem." [ibid., para. 169.] He added: "The growing degree of peaceful coexistence between capitalist lands and the Communist world — which is commendable indeed — regrettably has not brought with it peaceful coexistence for the newly developing countries. On the contrary, there is less security and less peace for these nations only because their development is not in conformity with the old world they want to leave. They become the subject of interference, penetration and subversion, hand in hand with the threat or use of force—open or disguised—by the old imperialist and colonialist Powers." [Ibid., para. 170.]
44. By the recent confrontation, the United Nations has been given the promise not only of renewed effectiveness, but also of a new outlook with new responsibilities arising from the new problems of the newly emerging nations. The future of the United Nations depends on how it will be able to live up to these new responsibilities.
45. The Cairo Conference of non-aligned nations declared in a very clear way what they meant by the new problems of peace and security. In their resolution they expressed their conviction that peace must rest on a sound economic foundation; that the persistence of poverty poses a threat to world peace and prosperity; that economic emancipation is an essential element in the struggle for the elimination of political domination; that economic development is an obligation of the whole human community.
46. The representative of Ghana made it clear in his statement what should be understood by this obligation of the whole human community. He said: "What is needed by the developing nations is not so much foreign aid, uncertain in its application as it is. What is needed is a new approach to international trade, which will enable developing countries to earn the foreign exchange necessary for economic development through the sale of their products. We want trade, not aid." [1299th meeting, para. 166.]
47. It is in this world-wide context that problems of peace and security are to be dealt with, both inside and outside the United Nations. Just as, when there is a threat of thermo-nuclear catastrophe, all aspects of the open questions in international life should be considered with special attention to international peace and security, so the questions of disarmament and decolonization should be solved quickly in view of the urgent needs of the newly emerging nations. Problems created inside or outside the United Nations which prevent us from dealing with the urgent needs of new Member States undermine this Organization, and international co-operation in general.
48. International developments of recent months provide a great many examples of how these most valid points of view were, or were not, taken into account, and their respective consequences are also clear. The contrasts may be rather instructive.
49. The Foreign Minister of the United Arab Republic informed the General Assembly [1298th meeting] about four international conferences held in recent months. Special attention is to be paid to all of them. Two conferences were held by the Heads of Arab States to deal with the questions of peace and security within their own region in connexion with problems of wider importance. A conference of Heads of State or Government of Africa dealt with questions of African unity with a view to achieving the complete independence of the African States in peace and security. The Foreign Minister of the United Arab Republic called for special attention to the proposals of the conference of non- aligned countries, for, as he said, "these proposals are based on a realistic and objective analysis of the present situation of international relations" [1298th meeting, para. 35].
50. The Heads of State or Government directly concerned gave highly instructive answers to most of the questions which are proposed for the agenda of this session or, if they are not, at least come within the competence of the United Nations. The proposals take into account the necessity of a more effective approach to detailed problem? of general and complete disarmament, peaceful coexistence and, in close relation to these basic problems, the urgent needs of the newly emerging countries.
51. In sharp contradiction to the prospect of favourable developments, colonialist and neo-colonialist Powers have resorted to actions directed against the peaceful solution of the Congolese and Vietnamese questions. Since realistic and careful plans are being prepared by competent Governments for a peaceful and just solution of those questions, the aggressive actions cannot be excused, no matter by what motives the aggressors may claim to be actuated.
52. In the case oi the Congo, the community of independent African States has undertaken to carry out the necessary measures to settle the Congolese question in conformity with the common interests of the strengthening of African unity, which is in the interest of international peace and security. Ignoring the competence of African States and all rules of international law, three States Members oi the United Nations engaged in combined action as if they were legitimate masters in African affairs. They acted with the aid of mercenaries from South Africa, whose representative stated in a televised interview that for him the Congolese people killed during the operation were like beasts fallen dead on his own cattle-farm in South Africa.
53. As to the real meaning of the whole action, U.S. News & World Report gave a revealing piece of information. According to this periodical, one high official of the United Nations summed up his opinion in this way: "African nations at least have learned that if you kick Americans hard enough and long enough, something will happen."
54. Of course, I do not know whether this statement is true or not, but it is clear that this operation was an impressive lesson not only for Africans but for all of us; however, not in the sense expressed in the statement just quoted, but in the sense that such actions hurt not only one nation, not only one continent, but the possibilities of the favourable development of international co-operation so much needed for the solution of burning questions of the whole of mankind. The world-wide condemnation of these irresponsible actions is a really effective lesson for all colonialist and neo-colonialist Powers. The effectiveness of this lesson may contribute to eliminating the possibilities of the repetition of any such kind of action.
55. As regards Viet-Nam, there are sound recommendations for a new meeting of the participants of the Geneva conferences of 1954 and 1962 in order to find satisfactory solutions to the peaceful development of Viet-Nam, Cambodia and Laos. The previous Geneva conferences proved effective in so far as their measures and principles were carried out. The new recommendations appeal to all realistic thinking.
56. In sharp contradiction with the favourable possibilities offered by these proposals, the mad war is still going on with renewed acts of aggression against North Viet-Nam, the Democratic Republic of Viet- Nam. Heedless of the failures incurred so far and of the dangers of a wider conflagration, the United States is making preparations for even more extensive military action. If the nations of Asia could take a common stand for action against foreign intervention, it would be beneficial not only to South-East Asia but to the world situation as a whole; thus, by using their political influence, they could obtain the convening of a new Geneva conference.
57. By curbing aggressive actions and liquidating the remnants of colonial domination, the United Nations could devote more attention and more energy to problems of international peace and security seen from the point of view of the newly independent nations.
58. Without forgetting for one moment the burning problems of Africa, Asia and Latin-America, I have to draw attention to certain European questions. Their existence may be a pretext, or sometimes even a serious motive for many Powers, great or small, not to embark on the road to disarmament and not to pay sufficient attention to the peace and security of the so-called "third world". On the other hand, the solution of the European questions could augment the effectiveness of disarmament negotiations and of the handling of the economic problems of the newly emerging countries. The favourable reception and active support offered by the "third world" could pave the way to settling these European problems, the main items of the old-fashioned cold war and the main source of a possible new confrontation of the opposing forces.
59. In your first address to this Assembly [1286th meeting], Mr. President, you drew the attention of the delegations to one of the central questions of Europe, the so-called German question. Some were surprised by your statement. My feeling is, however, that you were led by the growing concern of nations, even outside Europe, about the unsettled situation with regard to the German question. The fact that the United States stubbornly insists on incorporating West Germany into a combined or multilateral nuclear military system gives a new impetus to the consideration of this question, so as to rid Europe and the world as a whole of the dangerous vestiges of the Second World War.
60. A realistic way of solving the problem is given and even determined by the existing realities: as a historical necessity, there exist two German States in Europe. The starting-point of a peaceful, permanent and realistic solution of the German question should be the acceptance of existing facts, of the existence of two German States. The very existence of the German Democratic Republic is beneficial, not only to Eastern Europe, but to the countries bordering upon West Germany and even to the Germans of the Federal Republic of Germany.
61. Were it not for the German Democratic Republic, the Western neighbours of Germany would also inevitably be facing the emergence of a neo-fascist military Power, with all its consequences. The German Democratic Republic is one of the main factors for the safeguarding of peace in Europe, and it opens a new way for the whole of the German people to be a powerful, constructive partner of European nations in building up a new Europe after centuries of colonialism and many decades of imperialism. Under a constant threat of aggression, and in spite of persistent subversive actions from the West, the German Democratic Republic has attained substantial international success. It has official or semi-official representation in more than forty countries. Its trade relations cover practically the whole world.
62. Asian and African countries could expedite the disposal of the most burning question of Europe, a question that is dangerous to the world situation in general, by according diplomatic recognition to the German Democratic Republic. This step would accelerate the process of creating favourable conditions for direct negotiations between the two German Governments regarding the co-operation of the two German States. The greater the number of Member States extending diplomatic recognition to the German Democratic Republic, the nearer the solution of the German question. It is through direct negotiations between the two German Governments that the only peaceful and permanent solution of the German question may be reached.
63. The dangers created by the plans for a multilateral nuclear force are not exclusively of a military, but also of a political, character. The very fact that the United States and West Germany have already expressed their readiness to bring that force into being, even on a bilateral basis if other NATO members refuse to join it, reveals the political intentions of the authors of these plans.
64. By military means they wish to uphold certain political and military quarters of West Germany in their effort to hinder the only realistic, permanent and peaceful solution of the German question. These quarters and their supporters are not for negotiations but for military action; they are not for the peaceful development of Europe but for conquests and a new conflagration. Consequently, the joint scheme of the United States and West Germany is far from ensuring international security; it endangers it to a great extent. It perpetuates tensions in the northern hemisphere and prevents nations of that region from using their energies to help solve the growing problems of the south.
65. The only way to free the world from the dangers latent in the opposition of forces in the northern hemisphere lies in continued negotiations for the settlement of outstanding problems in Europe, in a gradual approach to the goal of general and complete disarmament, having constantly in mind the interests, of mutual security.
66. The proposals contained in the memorandum presented by the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union [A/5827] give sufficient guidance as to what questions should be negotiated, what steps could be taken towards general and complete disarmament, and what measures should be applied for the sake of mutual security. The European conference proposed by the Foreign Minister of Poland [1301st meeting] for reaching a settlement of the questions of Europe deserves the special support of all Member States. Member States from the southern hemisphere would act for their own sake and for a world-wide improvement as well if, by increasing and widening their official contacts with the German Democratic Republic, they paved the way for a real and effective European settlement.
67. The Hungarian People's Republic, as a member of the Warsaw Treaty Organization, shares with its allies in the responsibility for safeguarding peace and working for international relaxation and against colonialist and imperialist aggressive actions. The basic principle and purposes of our foreign policy are determined by the fundamental interests of all nations striving for the maintenance of peace, international co-operation and progress against imperialist and colonialist forces. According to our modest possibilities, we pay much attention to the security problems of Eastern Europe, Central Europe and Western Europe as well.
68. We are most especially interested in the peaceful development of Central Europe. Indications of our readiness to co-operate in lessening international tensions in Europe can be seen in the recent very favourable development of contacts between Hungary and Austria, in our growing relations with Western European, Northern European and American countries. In this context, mention may be made of our agreement with the Federal Republic of Germany on the establishment of official commercial representations on a reciprocal basis, and of the documents we have signed with the Vatican regarding certain questions of common interest. On the basis of our firm alliance with the socialist countries, on the basis of our firm and friendly co-operation with the newly emerging nations, my Government participates in any measures necessary in the interest of international peace and security.
69. it is in this spirit that my Government expects good results from the nineteenth session of the General Assembly. The colonialist and neo-colonialist Powers do not find much pleasure in the agenda items this General Assembly will have to tackle. Therefore, they have done their utmost to prevent this session from getting down to orderly work. The obstacles in the way of the normal functioning of this Assembly must be removed and the expectations of Member States fulfilled. We expect this session to give new directives to the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, enhancing the effectiveness of its work; to pay special attention to colonial and trusteeship problems, together with special measures against the colonial and apartheid policies of South Africa, in order to celebrate the International Co-operation Year with the liquidation of the last vestiges of colonialism; to give a new impetus to the implementation of the resolutions of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development; to offer the new Member States ever growing opportunities of taking part in the activities of the United Nations.
70. With due regard to the necessity of enlarging the representation of the newly emerging nations in the Security Council and in the Economic and Social Council, my Government has taken the constitutional steps for the ratification of the General Assembly resolution [1991 (XVIII)] on this matter.
71. As long as the threat of aggression and subversive activities against the Republic of Cuba from the American continent continue, my Government considers it a permanent task of the United Nations to be vigilant, even when the question of provocative actions against the Republic of Cuba is not on the agenda. A wide front of States Members of the United Nations, the socialist countries among them, is supporting and safeguarding the sovereignty and the social order of Cuba against hostile actions originating from the American continent. The Second Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries — held in Cairo in October 1964 in the presence of observers from seven Latin American States — is a new indication of how wide-spread and powerful is the demand that the United States should accept the proposals for negotiations made by the Republic of Cuba on the basis of the principle of peaceful coexistence.
72. There is an organic connexion between the attempts of the colonialist and neo-colonialist Powers to impair the effectiveness of the United Nations, and the fact that they have so far prevented the United Nations from restoring the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China. The interests of a favourable development of the international situation require the settlement of this question during this session, so that at the time of the twentieth anniversary of the United Nations, the rightful representatives of China may occupy their seats, both in the General Assembly and in the Security Council.
73. At this particular nineteenth session of the General Assembly, it is entirely impossible for me to close my statement on the United Nations without commending the Secretary-General for his enduring good services. His annual report presented to this session, and his efforts for an orderly and effective functioning of this Organization, are most valuable. I wish him good health and further successful activity.
74. In connexion with our welcome address to the new Member States — Malawi, Malta and Zambia — my delegation has already extended its congratulations [1287th meeting]. In reiterating our congratulations upon your election, Mr. President, I also wish to thank you for your untiring activity as President of this session. The whole work of the meetings of the General Assembly so far has rested upon your presence here. Your presidency of the General Assembly is an expressive symbol of the great change for the better in our world. I assure you that Hungary, with its modest means, is, and continues to be, working for the further steadying and deepening of these favourable changes.