60. Mr. COSTOPOULOS (Greece) (translated from French): Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure, in speaking in this general debate, to offer you my most sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of this General Assembly.
61. Your long experience in this Organization, the great personal prestige which your wisdom and impartiality have earned you, are an assurance of your success in the high office you have accepted. Our choice of you is also an expression of the respect and friendship your country enjoys in the United Nations. You may count on the friendly and wholehearted co-operation of my delegation.
62. Moreover, I consider it most auspicious and a source of satisfaction to us all that our President comes from the new Africa whose energy, enthusiasm and vitality bring to all the activities of our Organization the spark of initiative and innovation it must have if it is to maintain its ability to develop and to keep pace with changing requirements.
63. This year our Organization has again made further headway towards universality. I wish to offer a warm welcome to the three new Members: Malawi, Malta and Zambia. I am sure that they will make a valuable contribution to our deliberations and that they will always find the United Nations ready to defend their sovereign rights and to provide assistance for their national development, as promised to them in the Charter.
64. The outstanding event of recent years has been the achievement of independence by colonial peoples. It is clear that the turning-point has long since been passed and that little remains to be done in this field compared with what has already been accomplished.
65. Today the stage of history is open to all and the older actors are being outnumbered by the newcomers. Although our United Nations family is not yet complete, it may be said that it has already taken on its final shape and that the new States already occupy the place to which they are entitled. This development has enhanced the sense of responsibility and brought increased strength to our Organization.
66. Moreover, the increase in the number of Members of the United Nations has been reflected in the resolutions which make provision for wider representation in the principal organs and offices. The Greek Government has already set in motion the necessary legal procedure for the ratification of the Charter amendments enlarging the membership of the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council and we express the hope, which all the evidence seems to justify, that these amendments will be ratified by the requisite number of countries, including the great Powers, and come into force before the next session of the General Assembly.
67. During this year the relaxation of tension in international affairs, which had become increasingly apparent since the seventeenth session of the General Assembly, has been generally maintained. While it is true that there have been conflicts in many areas, the general belief that nowadays they might result in a nuclear confrontation has had salutary effect. Nevertheless, the danger of new conflicts is never absent. We know this only too well in our part of the world, where for many months past a bitter conflict has endangered the peace. Greece has shown, in the circumstances, a degree of restraint and moderation which has not always been easy or popular and therefore feels that it has the right to make a further appeal to this Assembly for the peaceful settlement of international disputes within the United Nations.
68. In the same context, we think that such proposals as that the Assembly should discuss the question of renunciation of the use of force for the settlement of territorial disputes and questions concerning frontiers deserve our whole-hearted approval and careful study.
69. I wanted to begin my speech on a note of optimism. Nevertheless, the other side of the picture must not be overlooked.
70. Last year's agreement and resolutions on nuclear testing and the denuclearization of outer space gave grounds for hoping that there would be further disarmament measures. Unfortunately there has been no progress in this field since then. During this session of the Assembly, therefore, we must intensify our efforts to reach agreement on the non-dissemination of nuclear weapons, the prevention of accidental war and disarmament in general.
71. In accordance with the resolutions on this subject adopted by previous sessions of the Assembly, the question of an international agreement on the denuclearization of Africa has been placed on the agenda for this session. We warmly approve of this proposal. The denuclearization of Africa is already a fact and any step which confirms and guarantees it cannot fail to contribute to the maintenance of peace. I feel it my duty to point out, however, that the question of denuclearization is not the same in the case of smaller regions which already possess nuclear weapons or regions which are within range of the nuclear weapons existing in their immediate vicinity. In such cases the question has to be examined from the point of view of the delicate strategic balance already achieved and it can be considered only in the context of general disarmament and the political agreements relating to it.
72. The relaxation of tension to which I referred earlier is the happy result of the adoption of a new attitude by the great Powers and of a new approach to international relations which generally goes under the name of "peaceful coexistence". Whatever name or definition it may be given, this approach is a great improvement and it has been widely adopted.
73. In this connexion we welcome the resolutions adopted by the Cairo Conference. Today the non-aligned countries hold the balance in international affairs. The decisions taken at Cairo show that these forty-seven countries are aware of their solidarity and of their collective strength, and that they intend to use that strength to promote stability and international peace. They showed that very clearly at the time of the Cuban crisis, when their efforts helped to overcome the crisis and to transform it into the starting point of a new era. Its adoption of the principle of peaceful coexistence and controlled disarmament makes the Cairo Conference an important landmark in that direction.
74. The present crisis in our Organization demands our immediate attention, A decision on the problem of financing peace-keeping operations cannot be further postponed without endangering the very existence of the United Nations. In view of the stipulations of the Charter, and especially after the advisory opinion of the international Court of Justice, there can be no doubt that peace-keeping expenses are expenses of the Organization within the meaning of Article 17 of the Charter and that the General Assembly is responsible for apportioning them. While maintaining this position which we adopted at the fourth special session of the General Assembly, we sympathize with the reasons which have induced some countries to refuse to contribute to legitimate peace-keeping expenses.
75. As the Secretary-General pointed out, in a masterly speech at the University of California last April, one of the main advantages the United Nations has over the League of Nations lies precisely in this ability to mount peace-keeping operations in an age when interdependence, at the world level, is much closer than it was and a local conflict is likely to degenerate more rapidly into a general conflagration.
76. We therefore earnestly appeal to all countries to bear in mind, in handling this grave problem of financing, the paramount necessity of preserving the United Nations from the danger now threatening it. Once this paramount requirement is recognized, it will be possible, without encountering insuperable difficulties, to work out permanent financing arrangements which will take account both of the greater responsibility of the great Powers in peace-keeping matters and of the limited resources of the developing countries.
77. Moreover, experience has shown that the improvised methods by which past operations have been organized need to be replaced by permanent and systematic machinery and that national contingents should be earmarked and specially trained for these operations. We therefore welcome the measures taken to that end by various Member States, including the Scandinavian countries, and promise them our full support.
78. One of the most important events in international life and in the history of our Organization during 1964 was undoubtedly the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development held at Geneva last spring. Greece was an active participant in the Conference and spared no effort to ensure that its work would be crowned with success. Although the results achieved were not spectacular and fell short of our expectations and those of the developing countries, they did at least demonstrate the solidarity of the international community and an awareness of the need for better organization of international economic co-operation. We can take comfort from the fact that the major economic, financial, technical, social and administrative problems were debated at length and that these problems are now fully documented. The permanent machinery which is to be established and will soon go into operation is a pledge that solutions to these problems will be found.
79. The world economy continued to make fairly rapid progress during 1964 and the developing countries as a whole have benefited from the stabilization of world commodity markets and an improvement of the terms of trade in their favour. Any satisfaction we may feel in that respect is, however, necessarily offset by the fact that the rate of growth of their export earnings has been much slower during the last four years than that of other parts of the world.
80. It is therefore the duty of all countries, rich and poor, to continue their efforts to reduce the existing disparity in their standards of living as quickly as possible. This is the great problem of the century and Greece is convinced that the new organs which are to be established within the United Nations will not be only the beginning of a vital world-wide effort. It is in order to give positive proof of this conviction that Greece regularly contributes to the assistance programmes of the United Nations, such as the programme of the High Commissioner for Refugees, technical assistance and the Special Fund. Our 1965 contribution to the Special Fund alone is 370 per cent higher than that of the current year.
81. The Cyprus question is once again on our agenda. When, after long and painstaking discussion in this Assembly from 1955 to 1958, Cyprus finally achieved independence, there was every reason to hope that the new Republic, taking its place among us, would, like any other State, enjoy its independence in peace and security.
82. Unfortunately, the Turkish element, taking advantage of the privileges which the Constitution gave it for the sole purpose of guaranteeing its welfare, has systematically obstructed the operation of the machinery of government in pursuit of purely political ends.
83. Having remained completely indifferent to the fate of the island, which was sold to the British Empire in 1878, Turkish interest became apparent only in the course of the heroic struggle for independence which the Cypriots began in 1955. Having taken no part in that struggle and given no help to the war of liberation, to which it was opposed, the Turkish interests thereafter had only one ambition: to partition the country.
84. Year after year the General Assembly had declared that there was nothing to justify such action: the small size of the territory and the fact that there is a mixed population throughout the island precluded it. The Turks, however, persisted in their conviction. Controversial provisions were included in the 1959 agreement and in the Constitution, and immoderate use of these provisions by the Turkish Cypriots culminated in their rebellion in December 1963.
85. At the time of this outbreak it was found that the Turkish community had about 2,500 fully trained and equipped men. This force acted according to a prearranged plan and immediately occupied strategic positions which enabled it, with the assistance of forces from Turkey, to try to obtain by force its dream of partition.
86. The threat of invasion is still there and is renewed periodically by the threatening statements of the Turkish leaders. Moreover, how are the attacks of the Turkish air force against the civilian population of Cyprus last August to be forgotten? The embers of the fires started by Turkish napalm are still warm and the blood of the victims — women, children and old people — is still fresh.
87. This is an outline of the grave peril which the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of one of the young Members of our Organization has had to face and this grave peril should serve as a warning to all young countries.
88. Thanks to the United Nations, to the determination of the Cypriots, to the action of the Security Council and of our Executive, to the spirit of international solidarity of the Member States participating in the Force and the generosity of those contributing to its maintenance, Cyprus has been able to face the danger. Mediation efforts are in progress and the matter will shortly be referred to the General Assembly.
89. The Greek Government has, from the outset, given all its moral and financial assistance to the pacification and mediation efforts undertaken by the United Nations and I now give you a formal assurance that Greece will continue to do so. The contribution of $1,550,000 to the expenses of the United Nations peacekeeping Force in Cyprus — a substantial contribution in view of Greece's resources — is proof of our confidence in the procedures prescribed by the Charter and of our respect for United Nations resolutions.
90. It is now my pleasant duty to pay a tribute to the outstanding personality of our Secretary-General who, in organizing the Force sent to Cyprus, guiding it at every step, appointing the two successive mediators and his personal representatives in Cyprus and being the inspiration and the driving force of the whole United Nations intervention in the Cyprus affair, has acquired a new title to the esteem and gratitude of all Member States. In his untiring devotion to his arduous task, he has neglected his health and fallen ill; we sincerely wish him a rapid and complete recovery.
91. I should not wish to let this opportunity pass without welcoming the resolution on Cyprus adopted by the Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Cairo in October 1964. It is significant that the Heads of State and of Government, coming from the most diverse countries and thus representing a wide consensus of the most highly informed world opinion, expressed the essence of the problem; namely the sovereignty, unity, independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus and its right to determine its political future free from all external threats.
92. It is, of course, understood that minority rights must be effectively protected, in Cyprus as elsewhere. But it must not be forgotten that the majority, too, has its rights, which cannot be ignored without violating the principles laid down by the Charter of the United Nations.
93. Whereas Greece has done everything in its power to prevent the Cyprus crisis from invading the field of its bilateral relations with Turkey, the Turkish Government, on the other hand, has from the outset adopted a policy of continual provocation which forced my Government to have recourse to the Security Council.
94. This provocative and blindly vindictive policy culminated in the steps taken against completely innocent people. I refer to the mass deportations, intimidation and vexations of every kind to which the Greeks living in Turkey are subjected.
95. Thousands of Greek citizens residing at Istanbul —women, old people, children and invalids not expected — were expelled overnight, uprooted from the land of their birth and cast upon the open road to experience the sad fate of refugees. We consider this tragedy unworthy of the contemporary political ethos and the standards of our civilization.
96. Turkey asserts that it is Greece's attitude in the Cyprus question which is the reason and the justification for these arbitrary measures — as though it were admissible that support for an appeal in due form to the United Nations could give rise to reprisals! What would become of our Organization if Member States were obliged to hesitate before having recourse to it, for fear of exposing their kinsmen to arbitrary action by the country that would be called to account? The United Nations cannot remain indifferent to the persecution of innocent people for political ends.
97. Faithful to its democratic traditions, Greece will support with all its strength in this Assembly the complete and unfettered independence of Cyprus. Our attitude is directed not only by a moral debt to our Cypriot brothers, but also by our profound dedication to the principles of the Charter. For Greece, the Cyprus question is not a Graeco-Turkish dispute, as Turkey is vainly endeavouring to show. For us, the Cyprus question is exclusively a matter of applying certain basic principles set forth in the United Nations Charter and generally applied in all the new nations that have come into being since the War. The people of Cyprus have the right to ask the world tribunal of the United Nations for the same treatment as the new States of Asia and Africa.
98. As regards the plans for annexation by force or other unilateral action which have been attributed to Greece, we wish to state once again that they are nothing but myths. Greece's only aim in the Cyprus question is to leave the Cypriot people free to decide what form their future sovereignty shall take. It is the other side which has expansionist aims of partition or artificial federation, and threatens war and invasion. Greece will support Cyprus before the United Nations without recourse to violence or any other threat, with full confidence in the universal recognition of the principles of liberty and democracy.
99. Greece has always attached great importance to its relations with countries forming part of the Balkan peninsula, and this was demonstrated by negotiation. These efforts produced successful results.
100. Relations between Greece and Yugoslavia have for several years been marked by reciprocal friendship, and we recently concluded agreements on various questions that were in abeyance. With Romania we have settled by common accord various questions that were still pending and we are at present negotiating the settlement of others; a friendly atmosphere has thus been established between the two countries.
101. Lastly, in July of this year, Greece restored normal relations with Bulgaria by a series of agreements, and we may legitimately hope that the neighbourly relations established with this adjacent country will eventually develop to the great benefit of both peoples.
102. So long as Greece meets with equal good will on the part of its neighbours, it will pursue its policy of understanding and conciliation. Greece is convinced that in so doing it represents a stabilizing element in the peace of the Balkans.
103. Having displayed moderation and restraint in a crisis which touches it to the quick, and consideration in its relations with its neighbours, regardless of their political and social regimes, Greece is pursuing a policy designed to encourage, both in its immediate vicinity and on a vaster scale, the continuation of efforts aimed at bringing about more and more far- reaching settlements between the nations of the West and those of the East, with a view to broadening the horizons of peace in our time.