42. It is not my intention to try to cover in these remarks the whole range of the activities of the United Nations. Nor do I propose to analyse the world situation or to discuss the prospects for peace. My purpose is a more limited one. I should like to touch upon some developments in the life of the world Organization which seem of particular importance and reflect basic issues of principle.
43. At the outset I wish to deal with the most urgent and serious problem of our time: disarmament. As one of the countries which are represented at the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, Sweden has particular reason to share the general sense of disappointment caused by the inability of the Committee to report any real progress from its work at Geneva during 1964. However, it can and should, I think, at least be said that through the labours at Geneva the ground has usefully been prepared for further and more constructive efforts in both broad and limited areas of disarmament. We should appreciate the fact that through the Eighteen-Nation Committee channels are kept open for intercommunication across boundaries and for continuous contact among the great Powers. The machinery for disarmament negotiations exists. It is now our duty to use it.
44. There can be no doubt that real progress in disarmament is the key to the attainment of the primary objectives of the United Nations to prevent war and to promote economic development. By using that key, we could diminish the danger of a nuclear disaster and, at the same time, increase the prospects of general welfare in peace. The devastating potentialities of modern weapons can perhaps be imagined if we consider that one single bomb now contains as much explosive power as has been used in all wars to date. To continue to live in a world where large numbers of such bombs are ready to be exploded at short notice is in itself a constant threat to human survival. If the nuclear arms race goes on unchecked, this threat will grow and ultimately become intolerable. Conversely, it is almost beyond our imagination to grasp the enormous benefits for the world which would occur if not only the material resources but also, and perhaps above all, the brain power now employed for developing destructive weapons were to be directed toward constructive peaceful purposes.
45. The high priority to be afforded the disarmament question and the urgent need for further progress and additional agreements in order to halt the arms race, especially in respect of nuclear weapons, have also been emphasized by the Secretary-General in the introduction to his annual report [A/5801/Add.l], Most serious attention should, I believe, be given to his warning that the momentum created by the partial test ban treaty may be lost unless further steps are taken and agreed solutions found in the near future.
46. In the resumption of the attempts that must be made at meaningful negotiations on general and complete disarmament, the fundamental questions concerning reduction and elimination of nuclear vehicles should be given high priority. I refer, in particular, to the problem of the "nuclear shield". There is, in fact, basic agreement between the two nuclear super-Powers on the principle that some nuclear capacity should be retained through the entire disarmament process. It is regrettable that it has not proved possible so far to reach agreement to set up a working group to examine those problems. We believe that the formation of such a group, or, as the Secretary-General has put it, new exploratory machinery, would be of great value.
47. The attainment of general and complete disarmament will by necessity require considerable time, even under the most auspicious circumstances. In view of the urgent and vital importance of the task of reducing and eliminating the nuclear peril, immediate and resolute measures are therefore called for independently. The present moment seems to be propitious for concerted and energetic attempts to reach a broad agreement on a freeze of nuclear armaments.
48. The recent nuclear explosion in China has served as a harsh reminder that urgent steps are necessary to stop further proliferation of those dreadful engines of destruction. It should also be borne in mind that the possibilities of manufacturing nuclear weapons will soon increase in connexion with the rapid development toward use of larger atomic power reactors for peaceful purposes. No additional country, however, now openly aspires to become a nuclear Power. This situation, which may not last long, should spur us on to quick action.
49. The five great Powers that already have access to nuclear capabilities are identical with those that are given special responsibility in the Charter for the preservation of peace. The nuclear line is now drawn around the circle of the five States entitled to permanent membership of the Security Council. We should do everything in our power to see to it that this line is redrawn so as to add new members to the nuclear club. But we have to act soon.
50. The demands for international action in order to halt the further proliferation of nuclear weapons have been given new impetus and taken on added strength. The African States have brought to the agenda of this session their joint declaration for the denuclearization of Africa [A/5730], They have stated their readiness to undertake, in a treaty to be concluded under the auspices of the United Nations, not to manufacture or to acquire control of nuclear weapons. At the same time the Latin American countries represented at the meeting in Mexico City in November of last year have brought to our attention their decision to initiate detailed studies on a treaty for the denuclearization of Latin America. They have already given us valuable definitions of the aims and scope of such a treaty.
51. The Swedish Government attaches special importance to these attempts at organizing regional cooperation in order to reduce the nuclear peril that hangs over mankind. If groups of countries, in areas where conditions for such arrangements exist, were to freeze the nuclear situation by regional agreements, the cause of peace and disarmament would be well served.
52. Other proposals bearing on the present situation aim directly at a ban on the further spread of nuclear arms to countries which are not now in control of these weapons of mass destruction. Sweden has on several occasions voiced the belief, which we still firmly hold, that such arrangements aimed at non-dissemination do not go far enough to meet the widely accepted objective of freezing the present nuclear situation. A real freeze would, in our view, require more active contributions by the nuclear Powers themselves in order to be effective and perhaps even attainable. Thus, the problem has to be attacked from many angles at the same time. It should be viewed against the background both of the rapid growth of nuclear arsenals and of the ambitions for further perfection of these weapons.
53. It seems reasonable to consider a freeze of the number of nuclear Powers in the light of these developments towards ever stronger and more effective nuclear capabilities on the part of the great Powers. In our view, serious attention ought to be given to the idea of a more comprehensive freeze, extending beyond what has been described as the closing of the nuclear club. Thus, efforts should be made to reach agreement simultaneously on the following measures:
54. Firstly, steps to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons. This would have the effect of freezing the number of nuclear Powers. Secondly, extension of the partial test ban treaty to comprise also underground tests. Scientific advances in the technique of seismic detection should make agreement easier to reach. Such agreement would have the effect of hindering the further perfection of these already too powerful means of death and destruction. This would hopefully lead to a qualitative freeze. Thirdly, halting the production of fissionable material for military purposes. This would have the effect of freezing at their existing level the stockpiles of such material for use in weapons. This would hopefully lead to a quantitative freeze.
55. Far from upsetting the military balance, an agreement for a freezing of this broad scope would have a stabilizing effect. The suggested freeze would have to be accompanied by adequate measures of control. Fortunately, a solution of this problem is by no means beyond reach. The control requirements relating to the measures I have discussed have already been extensively studied. These studies suggest that satisfactory and mutually acceptable methods of control could be worked out, given a minimum amount of goodwill.
56. Before concluding my remarks on disarmament, I would like to say that, in our view, the People's Republic of China should be given the opportunity to join in further negotiations on nuclear and other disarmament by taking its seat in the organs of the United Nations.
57. While we continue our search for realistic undertakings in the field of disarmament, nuclear and otherwise, we must preserve and develop the capacity of the United Nations to act in the service of peace. The difficulties that now beset the Organization have their origin in differing interpretations of the obligations that we have undertaken under the Charter. It is therefore of vital Importance that we try to reach some measures of agreement and accommodation as to the methods of initiating, directing and financing peace-keeping operations in the future. A general review of all these problems has sometimes been suggested, and it may well be that such a review would serve a useful purpose.
58. My Government has undertaken certain military and technical preparations to enable Sweden to respond quickly and effectively, if we should be asked again, as happened several times in the past, to take part in some peace-keeping activity of the United Nations. We have reviewed with great interest similar preparations in other countries. We have noted what the Secretary-General had to say in the introduction to his annual report about stand-by forces. He said, in particular, that he would welcome appropriate action by a competent United Nations organ authorizing a study of various problems in connexion with the setting up of stand-by forces. This statement brings up the question of whether the General Assembly should take some action in order to initiate such a study and, if so, in what way the question should be approached in order to ensure a satisfactory result. My delegation will follow this question attentively and would be prepared, if the necessary support seems to be forthcoming, to take the initiative in having the General Assembly authorize the undertaking of a study of the kind suggested by the Secretary-General. It should, indeed, be in the interest of all to make the existing machinery more efficient and better suited to the needs of Member States.
59. When I spoke in the general debate at the eighteenth session of the General Assembly I stressed the significance of regional co-operation for the preservation of peace. In particular, I paid tribute to the statesmanship shown by the African States when they met in Addis Ababa and drew up their Charter of African Unity. What has happened in the last year should not cause us to change this evaluation. True, we have witnessed tragic events on the African continent. Bitter conflicts have sometimes pitted Africans against Africans. These conflicts threaten to lead to outside interference, bringing the cold-war differences into the heart of Africa. But the idea has survived of a common responsibility of all African States for peace and security on their continent. The Organization of African Unity deserves the encouragement and support of all Members of the United Nations in the fulfilment of the vital task of negotiation and conciliation.
60. African spokesmen have made it clear that they do not view the African system of co-operation as an exclusive one. They are aware of the danger of creating new dividing lines. They reject the idea of race supremacy in any form. Forgetting a sometimes painful legacy of the past, they are eager to develop friendly ties with all those who are ready to do so on a basis of equality and mutual benefit. Above all, they have, confirmed their wish to preserve and to develop the peace-keeping capacity and the ultimate moral authority of the United Nations.
61. This attitude is a challenge to the rest of us and, indeed to the United Nations itself. It should be recognized as the authentic expression of the new emerging forces in Africa as well as in Asia. We ought carefully to consider the problems that have to be solved if a new and fruitful relationship between the less developed continents and the rest of the world is to be achieved on this basis. I will point to two such problems.
62. Firstly, there is the question of intervention and outside interference. This question concerns one of the great problems of our era, relevant in all parts of the world. What is the scope and what are the limits of national sovereignty and how is national interest to be made compatible with the interest of international co-operation?
63. The continued confusion as to what constitutes co-operation on the one hand and outside interference on the other contains serious dangers to peace. The emotional force that is naturally mobilized against any form of outside interference has an explosive character. This force can be abused for narrow political purposes — as can, indeed, international assistance. There is a risk that programmes of aid and collaboration, which are, in fact, desirable and useful from the point of view of all parties, are made to look suspect and, therefore, may not be carried out. We should try, by clear definition and open discussion, to prevent such abuse of a perfectly legitimate psychological inclination.
64. Secondly, the relationship between all regional groups and the United Nations needs to be studied anew. The Charter strikes a careful balance between the responsibility of such groups and the Organization itself. It lays down the rule that force may only be used, in the last resort, by the United Nations or, at least, with the authorization of the United Nations. Similarly, no single country is entitled to apply force except in the exercise of self-defence against an armed attack. There are good reasons for these rules, reasons that have not lost their validity and may even have acquired increased importance. Indeed, not only is the use of force an international crime; it also poses the threat of widening the conflict and can, therefore, create a danger for all nations, wherever they are located geographically.
65. It is unlikely that the continent of Africa will find its equilibrium and will be able to play its due part in the world context, as long as the problems of the apartheid policy in South Africa and of the future of the remaining colonies are unsolved.
66. The problem of apartheid is rightly a matter of grave concern not only to Africans, but to us all. The persistent refusal of the South African Government to co-operate with the United Nations gives cause for great concern. In the view of my Government, this refusal is no reason for the United Nations to relax its efforts. It should, on the contrary, cause the United Nations to increase such pressure as the Organization is able to exert. We are encouraged by the fact that the Security Council is now actively dealing with the problem. Since the last session of the General Assembly, two important developments have taken place in the Security Council: the report of the Group of Experts and the establishment of the Committee entrusted with the task of studying the problem of sanctions.
67. My Government attaches great importance to the recommendation of the Group of Experts that a national consultation be held with full representation of the whole population of South Africa on how to solve the many difficult problems inherent in the present situation and how to allay the fears and apprehensions it has created. At the same time, we welcome the decision of the Council to study the feasibility, effectiveness and implications of measures which could be taken by the Security Council under the Charter. This dual approach to the problem is, in our opinion, the only one that would serve the true interest of South Africa and finally lead to a reasonable and peaceful solution. True, much statesmanship is needed by all concerned in order to find a way out of the present impasse and open prospects for a future in freedom and dignity for all people in South Africa. But so high are the stakes that the United Nations ought to spare no efforts in order to facilitate a reversal of the present dangerous trend.
68. Meanwhile, the Swedish Government will proceed with practical and positive measures to relieve the plight of those suffering from persecution and humiliation. We have responded to the appeal of the General Assembly for relief and assistance to the families of the victims of apartheid by placing some $200,000 at the disposal of organizations best equipped to render such assistance. A contribution in the same amount was last year allocated to a Swedish programme of educational assistance for young African refugees. We welcome the United Nations education and training programme for South African which is now under way. It should in due course, in our opinion, be consolidated and include refugee youth from other African areas where education also is restricted on political or racial grounds.
69. I should like to draw your attention to another matter which is of particular interest in this context. Whatever attitude we take on the general question of capital punishment, a question which will be considered by the Human Rights Commission in accordance with a decision of the General Assembly, I think we are all agreed that death sentences passed for political crimes in peacetime are contrary to humanitarian principles. This has given rise to the thought that a special convention should be worked out excluding the death penalty for offences against the State in peacetime. Meanwhile, the General Assembly might call on all Member States to ensure that persons condemned to death for such offences be given the right to appeal to a higher judicial authority and to petition for a pardon or reprieve. Member States might also be invited to undertake not to carry out death sentences of this character without prior notice to some international body.
70. This idea has been received with great sympathy by my Government and we would consider it an important step forward in the human rights field if such an undertaking could be accepted by the vast majority of Member States.
71. It is hardly necessary for me to stress the importance of the Geneva Conference on Trade and Development. That Conference was no less than a turning-point in postwar international relations, reflecting important changes in the political and economic configuration of the world. This was the first time that all the major problems of world trade and economic development were discussed in a worldwide forum. This was also the occasion when the less developed nations found it necessary, on the basis of common economic interests, to form a group in order to carry on businesslike negotiations with the more developed countries. They were keenly aware of their formal voting strength, but they were equally conscious of the necessity for compromise and accommodation. This development is of extreme importance for the United Nations itself and we should be clear in our minds about its meaning and implications.
72. If the United Nations is to work effectively in the economic as well as in the political field, groups of countries with similar or identical interests will have to collaborate closely. The membership of the groups may vary according to the problems under discussion and a country may well belong to several groups. This is a necessary and a useful phenomenon. Whatever the size of such groups, they will have to act with restraint and in a spirit of understanding in relation to other groups. If this does not come about, the consequences are bound to be detrimental to all of us and to the Organization itself. Resolutions may be passed, but their power to influence the action of Member States will be seriously weakened. This is particularly true when the task is one of translating general attitudes into specific and concrete solutions and when the matters dealt with have a direct bearing on the internal policies of Member States in the fields of customs tariffs and fiscal measures.
73. It is, therefore, gratifying that it has been possible, as far as concerns the Trade Conference, to work out conciliation procedures which will help us reach a higher degree of agreement on controversial issues and carry forward the great work of global economic co-operation. We should carefully study the theory and practice of these procedures in order to ascertain their relevance to the total work of the United Nations.
74. I am coming to the end of my remarks. It remains only for me to say again that it is an important part of Swedish foreign policy to work for a strong United Nations, capable of playing its role to further the twin goals of peace and progress in a changing world. The basic principles for international behaviour laid down in the Charter have become inescapable and indispensable. We must persevere in our efforts to translate the obligation to live together in peace into everyday reality everywhere.