116. It is my pleasure to greet you in your new capacity as President of the General Assembly. Those of us who know you, your sterling qualities and ample talents, and those who value this Organization recognize that the General Assembly has, in honouring you, Mr. President, honoured itself. Your statement on assuming the office of the Presidency inspired us all — and particularly Africans — when you posed the question: "Indeed, who would have thought in 1945 that a representative of Afrique noire would today be presiding over the General Assembly of the United Nations?" [1286th meeting, para. 20.]
117. We know full well that the bogy of racialism - relic of a former, less humane age of man — is rampant yet, in many otherwise enlightened and progressive lands. No longer justified by spurious scientific theories, repudiated by the overwhelming weight of contemporary opinion and experience, attitudes and policies based on racial inequality anywhere are an affront to our international society everywhere. My delegation therefore appeals to Member States during this session of the General Assembly to rededicate themselves to the task of protecting all ethnic and racial minorities against violations of their fundamental human rights, whether in Africa, or in any other continent of the world.
118. Your question which I have quoted, Mr. President, prompts one to ask a number of similar questions about the functions, activities and procedures of the United Nations as compared with the expectations of those who witnessed its inception.
119. The efforts of this Organization to maintain peace and reduce international tensions reveal themselves in more sombre colours when viewed across the perspective of the nineteen years since the founding of this Organization. What, we may ask ourselves, would have been thought in 1945 about the chances of the United Nations persuading the nations to eschew war and renounce the use of force in the settlement of international disputes? Certainly, no one would have expected this to be achieved overnight or by the stroke of a pen. One would have been entitled to hope, however, that the continuous experience of co-operation in fields of mutual endeavour, the spread of enlightenment, and a general increase in material well-being made possible through shared resources and technology, would gradually create the conditions for lasting peace among nations.
120. My delegation notes the efforts which have been made under United Nations auspices in the sphere of disarmament. Of the sincerity of these efforts, there have been some, although regrettably few? proofs. We have noted the decision of certain States to make unilateral reductions in their military budgets. Such reductions have an important effect in tending to reduce international tensions and create a better atmosphere for the progress of disarmament negotiations. The reductions in military expenditure are also welcome, because of the possibility of utilizing the resources thus saved for more constructive purposes. The vast sums used in the military expenditures of the major Powers and their allies would be of greater benefit if used for peaceful purposes in a world ravaged by hunger, disease, ignorance and want. Not only the developing countries, but underprivileged groups within the developed countries, have an interest in seeing these vast military expenditures curtailed.
121. It is the view of my delegation also, that the question of general and complete disarmament is linked with, the maintenance and deployment of military forces in overseas countries. In the first place, use of military forces for such purposes imposes a relatively great strain upon budgetary resources. In the second place, there is no doubt from recent experience that such activities are among the great contributing factors to international tension. The persistence of international tensions in the Caribbean area, for example, and the disruption of normal friendly relations between Cuba and her neighbours cannot be divorced from the existence of foreign military bases and foreign troops stationed outside their own countries. Nor can we disregard conditions of heightened tension and insecurity in Viet-Nam and in Cyprus. My delegation believes that conditions of peace will best be created by the negotiated evacuation of all military bases and troops, where they are maintained on foreign soil against the will of the Government and the peoples of the territories concerned.
122. It cannot be denied that certain Powers have been less concerned with the question of the prohibition of the use of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons than with the problem of restricting their possession, dissemination or proliferation. My delegation considers that the former question is more fundamental. We therefore support the proposal that there should be a recommendation to the current session of the General Assembly for the convening of an international conference for the purpose of signing a convention on the prohibition of the use of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons. Such a conference would be under United Nations auspices but it should be open to all countries to attend. The problem of safeguarding peace and the welfare of humanity is universal.
123. There should be also an undertaking given by all States which presently possess nuclear and thermonuclear weapons that they will not be the first to use them.
124. It is a matter for regret that despite all efforts there has not been achieved any further agreement either on questions of general and complete disarmament or on measures aimed at the lessening of international tension. However, my delegation believes that the outlook for such agreement is not hopeless. This has been demonstrated by the three major Powers which, earlier this year, announced substantial reductions in the production of plutonium and other materials for nuclear weapons. We note with satisfaction the declared intention of these Powers to allocate more fissionable materials for peaceful purposes.
125. Among other actions which give reason for hope that the world may yet live free from the fear of war are the several proposals for nuclear-free zones. The first agreed nuclear-free zone, of course, was outer space. In various parts of the world, also, proposals have been put forward for the establishment of denuclearized zones in Central and Northern Europe, in Latin America, and in other areas in Europe and Asia. The Heads of State and Government of Independent African States, at the meeting of the Organization of African Unity held in Cairo in July 1964, declared their readiness to undertake, through an international agreement to be concluded under United Nations auspices, not to manufacture or acquire control of nuclear weapons. They also decided to request the General Assembly, at its current session, to approve that declaration and to convene an international conference for the purpose of concluding an agreement on the denuclearization of the continent of Africa. My delegation supports this request. Like the various other proposals for the denuclearization of areas in different parts of the world, such a step will assist in lessening international tensions and consolidating international peace and security.
126. The disparity in the economic and social fields which characterizes our world and divides its peoples into rich and poor is one of the bases of unrest and long-term anxiety permeating present international relations. This material disparity has given rise to psychological trends which do not inspire satisfaction and content. The sharpness of the disparity has not been mitigated by the half-hearted efforts tried in the post-war era in the form of bilateral international assistance, much of which was governed by considerations of political advantage rather than social and economic interdependence. The developing countries have lost, through falling world prices of primary commodities, far more than they have ever gained from international assistance. It is estimated that a drop of 5 per cent in the prices of primary commodities in a year equals all the assistance received by the developing countries in the past ten years. It is for this reason that Tanzania participated actively in the recently concluded trade conference in Geneva.
127. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development marked the twilight of an old era in the field of international co-operation and signalled the dawn of a new phase of United Nations activity in the areas of international trade and development. Considered in its proper historical perspective, the Conference undertook to continue the debate on, and find solutions for, the unfinished agenda of the Havana Conference of 1947. That the Conference was able to be convened at all represents a victory for the ideas of the developing countries.
128. The Conference demonstrated a number of things. After objective analysis it concluded that the existing patterns of world trade were anachronistic, that they were inevitably disadvantageous to the vast areas of developing nations. This deliberate manipulation of world trade resulted logically in the persistent unfair terms of trade for developing countries, and the trade gap of $20,000 million, which divides the richer nations from the poorer ones. This has culminated, quite naturally, in the new phenomenon in international behaviour which Secretary-General U Thant has so correctly described as the North-South confrontation.
129. In the view of my Government, with the exception of the creation of new institutional machinery, the emergence of the group of seventy-seven developing countries as a solid cohesive force, bound together by similar needs and aspirations, was the outstanding success of the Conference on Trade and Development. The work of consolidating and institutionalizing this group for greater effectiveness is yet to be done but we can still here testify to the cohesion and forging of an abiding solidarity that marked the activities of the group at Geneva. My delegation is happy to recall with satisfaction that this group withstood the formidable assaults with vigour, and emerged with a refurbished character and a meaningful personality. My delegation feels inclined to believe that the ties which bind this group will stand the test of time.
130. The Conference acted wisely in recommending to the General Assembly the creation of new institutional machinery. My Government would have preferred the Conference to conclude the unfinished agenda of the Havana Conference by creating an international trade organization under the terms of a treaty. Nevertheless, my delegation notes with satisfaction that the Conference recommended that the new institutional arrangements be temporary in nature and that a legal committee for the Conference be established for the purpose of drafting a treaty which will finally lay to rest the roaming spirit of the Havana Conference of 1947.
131. In the entire arena of economic endeavour, the United Nations must address itself to the general improvement of its organs and machinery to meet fully the challenge of contemporary international economic problems. The first Conference on Trade and Development was only a first step. There must be others. The projected expansion of the membership of the Economic and Social Council, to make it more representative, is but a small step forward. We regret, however, that some Member States have demonstrated an unfortunate tardiness in ratifying the amendment to the Charter which is a necessary prerequisite to the expansion of the membership of the Council to twenty- seven. Possibly the time has come for the functions, methods of operation and the entire philosophy of the Economic and Social Council to be reviewed and revised.
132. My delegation is of the view that a merger of the Special Fund and the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance might lead to enhanced effectiveness in the operation of the programmes. But we feel, too, that the time has arrived when the United Nations Development Programme might enter into the field of actual capital investment and not confine itself exclusively to preinvestment and technical assistance. With respect to the Governing Council of the new United Nations Development Programme, we consider that its composition should be based upon the well- established principle of geographical representation. This principle is clearly enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, By this principle, all the various tendencies in the Organization are represented on its main organs. In order to encourage and accommodate the major contributing industrial Powers, we would advocate that they be elected to the new Governing Council. Consequently, a Governing Council with a membership of thirty-nine or forty-two States would, in our view, accommodate both of these principles without being too unwieldy. This number cannot be considered too large, for it would represent only one third of the total membership of the 125 countries supporting the Development Programme.
133. My delegation has been among those which have expressed regret at previous sessions of the General Assembly that the authentic voice of the people of China has not been heard in our deliberations. We note the increasing recognition in recent months of the need to establish and maintain links with this great country. It is our sincere hope that this session of the General Assembly will see the People's Republic of China admitted and that the over-all question of Chinese representation is resolved finally and equitably. This organization must grapple squarely and honestly with the internal problems concerning its own membership. There is no longer any justification—if there ever was—for tolerating the representation of the Formosa authorities in the seat reserved for China in this Assembly and in the other principal organs and affiliated agencies of the United Nations. We believe that the exclusion of the People's Republic of China is damaging to the Organization itself.
134. Sinoe I addressed the General Assembly last year [1231st meeting] some important events have taken place in the Middle East, to which I should like to make some reference. The long striving for unity of the peoples of this area has borne fruit with the forging of new links between brother countries and the creation of institutions to implement their united resolve. My delegation hails this movement towards the unity of the Arab League, accompanied as it is by evidence of a new social dynamism and a spirited renaissance. We note that regional co-operation for mutual ’welfare and self-defence is in accordance with the provisions of the Charter. Such co-operation is the best guarantee for the welfare of the peoples and security against division and imperialist domination. We hope that the southern part of Arabia will soon be independent and free to join the League. We support the efforts of the peoples of all the various regions of the world, whether it be in the Middle East, in Asia, or elsewhere, to find regional solutions for their problems. They should be allowed to do so without unwarranted outside interference.
135. The Organization of African Unity (OAU), which was founded in Addis Ababa in May 1963, only some few months before the eighteenth session of the General Assembly, has proved in its very short existence that it can assist the United Nations in doing most constructive work in solving the problems of the African continent, although such problems are also the concern and responsibility of the United Nations. Under the auspices of the OAU, border disputes between Member States have been settled for a number of countries.
136. Recently, the influence of the OAU has spread to the Congo, where, until June this year, the United Nations had for four years been seriously involved and committed. The United Nations, throughout the term of its operation in the Congo, had been concerned with bringing about political stability by ending civil strife and reconciling the various Congolese political groups. It had been concerned with helping the Congolese, themselves, search for a political solution to their political problems.
137. When the United Nations withdrew its military presence from the Congo at the end of June, it left the country in a state of relative civil order. The Congo appeared then to be on the brink of an auspicious political and constitutional future for the first time in its history, and while disagreement between the various political parties was still marked there was nevertheless strong cause for hope that the world would witness their political regroupment in the interest of Congolese national unity.
138. There followed the constitution of a transitional government which soon aroused armed and intense opposition over a great part of the country. The transitional government sought and obtained military support from certain non-African nations. It also hired South African and Portuguese European mercenaries. This state of affairs returned the Congo to a state of civil war: where it became more and more obvious that the transitional government had failed to form the vanguard of national political conciliation and unity.
139. At the same time, the intervention of certain non-African Powers posed to Central Africa the threat of the cold war, and to Africa in general a challenge to its policy of non-alignment.
140. The Organization of African Unity met early in September at the invitation of President Kasa-Vubu of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to discuss how best to find an African solution to the Congo problem. The decisions of that conference are already known to you. What my delegation would like to emphasize are its clear implications.
141. By calling for an end to foreign military intervention, the OAU was asking that the cold war be kept out of the Congo, and I am sure that it is in the interest of everybody here to see that the problem of the Congo is not internationalized. By calling for the withdrawal of mercenaries and the end of the fighting, the OAU was expressing its deprecation of the solution of military pacification. By setting up the Ad Hoc Commission, under the chairmanship of Jomo Kenyatta, the OAU sought to provide the machinery for an African solution as well as a forum for a dialogue for Congolese national reconciliation.
142. My country was therefore shocked and horrified that at the very time that the OAU was seeking an African solution, at the very time that the Ad Hoc Commission was establishing its competence, certain non-African Powers sought fit to frustrate the efforts of the OAU by unwarranted military intervention. This military intervention, in furtherance of a military pacification, is a clear affront to the OAU, and shamefully detracts from the United Nations efforts in the Congo during the last four years. My delegation deems this military intervention all the more reprehensible for the excuse that it was undertaken, not to bring peace to the Congo, but to save a few lives so that tenfold more should die.
143. My delegation considers that this intervention bears within it the seeds of world conflagration. My country therefore earnestly requests those foreign Powers intervening with their troops, arms and mercenaries to withdraw all these unwanted instruments of neo-colonialism, and allow the Congolese people, and only the Congolese people, and their African brothers to settle the problems facing them in an African manner, by themselves. We believe that if this problem is left to the OAU, an African solution will be found to the African problem.
144. I now turn to issues which my country deems among the most pressing before this session of the General Assembly. I refer to the issues of colonialism and apartheid.
145. When, in 1960, the General Assembly issued the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, contained in resolution 1514 (XV), it complemented the glorious aims of the Charters for, by affirming through the Declaration the right of colonial peoples to be granted immediately and unconditionally their right to self-determination, it extended the universality of the principles and ideals upon which the United Nations is founded.
146. Since then, more and more dependent territories have exercised this right to self-determination — my country is one of them — and, in consequence, have augmented the collective wisdom and effectiveness of the United Nations. In the last four years, the United Nations, notably through the efforts of the Committee of Seventeen and then of the Committee of Twenty- Four, has done a great job in encouraging and urging colonial Powers to speed up the process of decolonization. My country has been honoured with membership on both committees. On tills membership it has placed great store. While proud of the achievements of the committees and of the General Assembly, however, in this noble task of liberation, my delegation feels that there is yet a great deal more to be done, if delegations will give their entire moral support to it.
147. Of the colonial situation today. Southern Rhodesia represents a particularly urgent problem before us. I understand that the word "Southern" has recently been dropped, but it has been dropped by the people who have no right to drop the name. Therefore, we shall still call it Southern Rhodesia. The settler minority government has, in the last year, intensified its oppression to an unprecedented degree. It has ignored the judgement of its judiciary and defied the calls of international conferences. The minority settler government is seriously bent on declaring unilateral independence for the European minority.
148. Let me first of all say that my delegation appreciates the firm stand of the new British Government on the question of Rhodesian independence. My delegation appreciates warmly the statement of the new British Government that any unilateral declaration of independence by the Rhodesian minority settler government would be an act of treason. My delegation is heartened that a British Government has at long last declared unequivocally that independence will only come to Southern Rhodesia on the basis of majority rule.
149. it is because of our appreciation of this stand that we urge that the British Government take practical measures, not simply to avert a unilateral declaration of independence, but especially to bring about a majority rule. The General Assembly has in the past advised the convening of a constitutional conference, representative of all political groups in Rhodesia, to work out a constitution based on majority rule. The Prime Ministers of the Commonwealth made a similar recommendation in London last July. Both the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity and the Conference of Non-Aligned Countries pronounced themselves in Cairo in the same terms. My delegation is confident that the new United Kingdom Government will take note of these recommendations, and urgently convene a constitutional conference.
150. My delegation similarly welcomes the United Kingdom's pledge not to surrender to South Africa the High Commission Territories of Bechauanaland, Basutoland and Swaziland, and notes with satisfaction its commitment to grant to these territories early independence. The geographical location of these territories, however, gives rise to concern for their preservation upon accession of their independence. In one case, the territory is completely surrounded by hostile South Africa. In the other two, there is a long stretch of a shared border with either South Africa or Portuguese territories. There can be no doubt that the political independence and territorial integrity of these territories will be seriously threatened by their neighbours, whose intolerance of African independence is common knowledge. My delegation, therefore, deems the United Kingdom under obligation to give independence to these territories under adequate guarantees for their territorial integrity and political independence. We furthermore urge that the United Nations give serious consideration to extending to these territories an international guarantee to the same end.
151. Despite repeated appeals to South Africa, that country continues to practise its despicable system of apartheid, and I am glad to note that you, Sir, are the President of this General Assembly. Furthermore, in open defiance of the United Nations, of all civilized opinion, and of the mandate, that country continues to extend its system of apartheid to the international territory of South West Africa.
152. Let us be quite frank about what the South Africa regime stands for. South Africa, in the second half of the twentieth century, symbolizes, practises and furthers the political exploitation of man by man, of the majority by a minority, of one race by another race. At a time in history when States encourage the increased participation in government by their citizens, South Africa takes steps to deny such participation to more and more of those whom it claims to be its citizens. But South Africa represents something even worse. South Africa practices — at such a time, when States are working towards the brotherhood of man on the basis of equality of men regardless of race — a system of racial inequality and racial slavery.
153. We may ask ourselves why, if the whole world is opposed to apartheid, South Africa continues to resist change of its policy. If we are to be honest with ourselves, we must state clearly that South Africa gathers the courage to be defiant because some Members of the United Nations do not live up to their own recommendations. Some condemn in public what they encourage and support in private. The Organization of African Unity has pledged itself to a total economic boycott and arms embargo against South Africa. This is a pledge that it will honour vigorously. Similarly, the representatives of forty-seven non-aligned States, meeting two months ago in Cairo, pledged themselves to a total economic, political, arms and oil boycott of South Africa and of Portugal. Equally, this is a pledge that they intend to honour.
154. It is clear that the South African regime would not survive if it were not for the financial and military support of its friends. But the oppressed peoples of South Africa are entitled to ask why members of NATO, big and small, still supply arms to their oppressors on the callous excuse that it cannot be established for what purpose the arms will be used. And the condition is made that the arms should not be used to oppress the people. But how do you know?
155. Let me now turn to the territories under Portuguese colonialism. You will recall that a representative group of African Foreign Ministers at the eighteenth session of the United Nations General Assembly attempted to have talks with the Foreign Minister of Portugal, under the chairmanship of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, to persuade that country to live up to the dictates of the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. I was one of those Ministers. The discussions broke down because Portugal insisted on considering its colonial territories as its integral provinces. It furthermore refused to recognize the existence of any nationalist liberation movements in these territories and, therefore, refused to negotiate on the issue of independence.
156. Portugal thus believes that Mozambique, Angola, and so-called Portuguese Guinea are not parts of Africa, but parts of Portugal It refuses, therefore, to allow any manner of political organization, and agitation for independence, in these territories. And, in order to have its way, it has engaged for several years now in a cruel and brutal armed campaign of oppression and massacres of its colonial populations. Undoubtedly, Portugal has assumed this attitude in order to ensure for its poor self the monopoly of exploitation of the vast resources of these so-called overseas provinces.
157. Portugal's attitude is one which my country and the whole of independent Africa cannot tolerate. We cannot agree that Angola or Mozambique or so-called Portuguese Guinea are integral provinces of Portugal, and not entitled to separate independence. We in Tanzania find it absurd that we should be told that we share a border not with Mozambique, but with Portugal. The Government of Portugal has in recent months charged the independent African States with fomenting trouble and rebellion in these colonies. It has in particular singled out my country and accused us of subverting its overseas administration. However, the rebellion is within the provinces, not without; it is not within our country; we are free. If there is chaos, unrest and insurrection in these provinces, Portugal has only its backward-looking colonial policy to blame.
158. While Portugal is largely to blame for the unrest and loss of lives in Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea, the blame must also rest with its NATO allies, large and small. It is clear that Portugal could not maintain its oppression over its colonies were it not propped up by loans, subsidies and arms from its NATO allies. And the blame does not rest solely with the larger partners in NATO; it devolves also on the smaller partners, who by their silence acquiesce to this tragic history of oppression.
159. Allow me to address a plea to this Assembly on behalf of the peoples of Mozambique, Angola and so-called Portuguese Guinea. The thousands of freedom-fighters in Angola, Mozambique and Portuguese Guinea are entitled to know what right all these members of NATO, large and small, have to supply arms for Portugal's fight to entrench its colonial policy, on the cynical excuse that the arms are for the defence of the Western alliance. The hundreds and thousands of refugees from the Portuguese colonies are entitled to ask why NATO should be mobilized to destroy their land, render them homeless and suppress their efforts to assert their right to self- determination and independence.
160. On this crucial issue of colonialism, let me restate my country's stand. The United Republic of Tanzania subscribes without reservation to the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. It is committed to give all possible support to liberation movements. The dependent peoples must be given the opportunity to decide freely upon their future and the nature of their independence.
161. The United Republic of Tanzania believes that you cannot talk about peace if some part of Africa is not free. The freedom of the African people is part and parcel of the search for international peace.
162. The United Republic of Tanzania stands uncompromisingly opposed to apartheid in South Africa and its extension to South West Africa. It is distressed by the continued aid of certain Powers which support the apartheid policy or system.
163. Let me, therefore, make a final appeal to those Powers to align themselves with the forces of justice, of destiny and of humanity. They have spoken long enough, but the horrors of the apartheid system continue. They have spoken loud and enough about the need for change in South Africa. Let them join ranks with the independent African States and the non-aligned States in a concerted effort to bring this change about.
164. The tasks facing this session of the General Assembly seem to grow greater and graver, rather than the reverse, as we proceed in our pursuit of peace, prosperity and human dignity for all. But we must persevere, however slow may be our progress and however distant may appear the goal. We dare not fail, for the eyes of mankind are upon this august Organization.