Dahomey

74. It is a particular pleasure for me, Mr. President, to perform in my turn the traditional duty of congratulating you on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly's nineteenth session. It is particularly agreeable to me, first because you are the representative of a friendly sister nation with which Dahomey maintains close and cordial relations, and secondly because you yourself are a brilliant representative of the new Africa whose work and activities are appreciated both inside and outside our continent. I have no doubt that your level-headedness, moderation, wisdom and gift for compromise, in addition to your passion for truth and justice, will be most helpful to this Assembly. 75. On behalf of the delegation of Dahomey, I would express the hope that this nineteenth session will, under your guidance, be a|] milestone on the road to peace and friendship among nations in justice and progress. 76. Allow me at this point to hail the entry into the United Nations of one Mediterranean State and two sister nations of Africa—Malta, Malawi and Zambia. It is in this way that the Organization every year gains in strength and authority, and thereby in effectiveness in its work for understanding and universal brotherhood. 77. Peace is the greatest blessing of mankind. We must establish, maintain and defend it. That is the purpose for which we have assembled in this hall. It is towards the achievement of this aim that the Dahomean delegation wishes to make its modest contribution, because we believe that peace among all peoples should be the concern of all nations, great or small, rich or poor. 78. During the last few months the international community has been shaken, and it continues to be shaken, by crises and flash-points of tension in Viet- Nam, Laos, Cyprus, Cuba, the Congo and other places on our planet. 79. These tensions, which some optimistic souls call "limited conflicts", could well erupt into a murderous general conflagration when we reflect on the news, reported some time ago in the Press, that one great Power had just developed a weapon capable of destroying all life on earth. Fortunately, that alarming news turned out to be merely a mistake in translation. But we all know now that these "limited conflicts" can quickly lead to an apocalyptic confrontation between the strong of this world. That is why we think we must analyse the causes of these conflicts objectively, in order to try to remedy them. 80. In the view of the Dahomean delegation, most of these tensions are due to the intolerant attitude of the great Powers towards other, weaker States. Those Powers find it difficult to accept the fact that systems different from their own, or even the opposite of their own, can exist in an area which they regard as their sphere of influence. 81. This shows disregard for the principles on which our Organization is based, and in particular for the idea of coexistence among nations having different political, economic or social systems. But above all it is a violation of the principle of the equality of all States, large or small. It is symptomatic of a desire to interfere in the domestic affairs of peoples, as if they were under trusteeship or were not mature enough to decide what their own interests were. It shows contempt for the right of peoples to self-determination. Lastly, it reveals an unacknowledged desire for hegemony on the part of certain States. 82. In these circumstances it seems clear that the possession and the dissemination of atomic weapons of mass destruction, whether nuclear or thermonuclear, constitute a means of intimidation and, above all, a grave threat to the survival of the human race. It would suffice if one of the antagonists in the conflicts that erupt in the world, apparently for little reason, abandoned self-control for the passing-bell to be tolled for the human race and for the accumulated achievements of hundreds of generations. 83. Since the signature of the Moscow Treaty banning nuclear tests which breathed new hope into the world, matters have remained at a standstill. What explanation can there be for the fact that, since the Moscow Treaty, nothing more substantial has been offered to a world hungering for peace? 84. There has been one new element since last October. The People's Republic of China has exploded its first atomic bomb. While we can be proud that the atom and modern technology have been mastered by one of the less developed countries, this pride is nevertheless tinged with sorrow, because we have never concealed our hostility to the atomic bomb and to nuclear and thermo-nuclear weapons. We have always and everywhere stated that we are opposed to the dissemination of atomic weapons because it increases the danger of war and because radio-active fall-out poisons the atmosphere and damages human health. 85. The Republic of Dahomey has always, consistently, and on many occasions, taken a stand in favour of the denuclearization of Africa and of the other continents. The bomb, an arm of military dissuasion for some and of political persuasion for others, is for us an object of horror and a source of terror. 86. But there is perhaps a ray of hope and a note of comfort in the fact that, in announcing to the world the explosion of its atomic bomb, the Government of the People's Republic of China formally renounced the use of that force which it had just mastered. China has undertaken never to be the first to use the atomic bomb against anyone whomsoever. On the contrary, it has undertaken to continue its efforts to achieve the complete prohibition and total destruction of nuclear weapons. 87. The Government of Dahomey supports the Chinese proposal for the immediate study of an international agreement whereby the nuclear Powers would undertake not to use such arms against the non-nuclear countries, against denuclearized zones, or against each other. 88. The Republic of Dahomey also thinks that the suggestion for the convening of a summit conference of all countries of the world to discuss the complete prohibition and total destruction of nuclear weapons is deserving of consideration. If the United Nations took the initiative in convening such a conference, the result would be a new step forward in the direction of peace through collective security. 89. The threat of an apocalyptic end which is overhanging mankind must be ended once and for all. But denuclearization alone will not solve the problem of disarmament, which we desire should be general and complete. 90. We are told, of course, that the manufacturers and sellers of arms oppose this plan and exert pressure in certain countries for continuation of the race to death. They fear for their own selfish interests, even though the financial and human capital that they have at their command could be invested in new and profitable industrial activities, as is shown by the report of the group of experts instructed to study this problem. They could also become the artisans of science in the service of peace and human progress. 91. This enormous amount of wealth and experience to which I have just alluded could be better utilized in order to banish from half of our planet the fearful spectre of hunger, poverty and disease. Whole continents are living at a bare subsistence level. Millions of men are caught in the grip of disease and ignorance. Would it not be constructive to help them free themselves from these evils, so that they could play their part in the inauguration of the reign of peace and progress? 92. The delegation of Dahomey feels it to be imperative that in the first place all Member States should be more scrupulous in fulfilling their obligation to settle any differences between them by peaceful means. But this is not enough. The international community must, this very year, succeed in prohibiting all nuclear and thermo-nuclear weapon tests of any kind, as well as the manufacture of these weapons of mass destruction. 93. So far as Africa itself is concerned, the States members of the Organization of African Unity have already clearly pronounced themselves in favour of the denuclearization of our continent. The Republic of Dahomey will, in addition, support the sincere desire of all peoples that wish to see their continent or subcontinent declared, and guaranteed as, a denuclearized zone. 94. However, the stages of disarmament as thus defined must be accomplished under international control, since mutual confidence is lacking between States and still more between the great Powers directly concerned. 95. Another source of tension in the world lies in the difficult problems of divided nations. We think that the reunification of those nations is a matter for their peoples themselves. A free and democratic solution must be found without any foreign interference, and, if necessary, under United Nations supervision. The problem of China is a very special one. In that regard, the Government of the Republic of Dahomey has just taken the only objective decision possible: it has recognized a Government which exerts effective control over 700 million people, almost the whole of China. A satisfactory solution to the problem of the divided countries would in itself be an important contribution to the establishment of world peace. 96. But international peace does not mean solely the silence of guns or the abatement of conflicts. For us, the peoples of the less developed countries and the African peoples in particular, it is linked with the final end of an era of exploitation and oppression, the end of the claim by certain races to superiority over others, and the end of racist dictatorship. 97. We, the African peoples, are today still calling for the complete decolonization of our continent. What we demand is the right of peoples to self-determination, which some States, like Portugal and South Africa, refuse to recognize. Despite daily demonstrations which conclusively and irrefutably show that Angola, Mozambique, Guinea and the other territories still i under the illegal domination of Portuguese colonialism should enjoy the right to self-determination, the Government of Lisbon has brought genocide into these territories. Despite the disapproval of the international community, the Lisbon Government stubbornly persists in flouting the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly. We know that if Portugal can today venture to defy the conscience of the world with impunity, it does so because it knows that it can count on the indulgence of its Western partners; these friends of Portugal should put pressure on Lisbon so as to make it see reason before it is too late. For it is to be feared that, if Portuguese stubbornness pushes the Africans to the point of desperation, it may end by unleashing a bloody conflict which will irreparably jeopardize world peace. 98. At the southern extremity of our continent, an even more inhuman situation persists. Three million white racists are imposing upon 10 million human beings the despicable system of apartheid. The whole world has condemned, from this very rostrum, this institutionalized contempt of some men for others. But today it is clear that those who condemn apartheid include some who shrink from taking the measures which could bring about its demise. We are told that trade and economic relations have nothing to do with politics. Certain of those States which have the most influence with the Government of South Africa do not believe in the merits of economic sanctions; they say that in the last analysis it will be the oppressed majorities which will suffer the effects of such measures. Casuistry and sophistry have plunged the world into chaos; the abandonment of generally accepted moral principles will be fatal to peace among men. 99. We urge those States which are friends of Portugal and of the Republic of South Africa to agree, at long last, to apply sanctions against those countries. This is the only possible way of bringing the misguided practitioners of colonialism and racism to their senses; otherwise, those States will be held responsible, by future generations and by history, for having refused to prevent sanguinary clashes. Already, through their inaction, they share the responsibility for the murder and torture of African patriots deliberately and coldly carried out by the j police Government of the Republic of South Africa. I am sure that our Western friends, who, like us, are I horrified by the unspeakable practices current in those countries, will help us as they should. 100. Racist domination by the ruling minority in South Africa is not, however, limited to the Republic of South Africa itself. The Pretoria Government, is in flagrant violation of international principles, extends its oppressive system of apartheid to the Territory of South West Africa. It is essential for the United Nations to place that Territory under its direct trusteeship and to bring it to independence within the shortest possible time. 101. I would not leave this part of Africa without touching upon the thorny problem of Southern Rhodesia. We are gratified to note the stand which the United Kingdom Government has recently taken towards the extremists at Salisbury. However, the handful of white extremists in Southern Rhodesia, apparently with the support of Portugal and the Republic of South Africa, is threatening to make a unilateral proclamation of pseudo-independence which will allow it to maintain its grip on the 3 million Africans of the Territory. The entire spectacle staged in recent weeks has had no purpose other than to deceive the world and, as it appears, to pave the way for an unlawful, unilateral decision. In the circumstances, we expect the United Kingdom Government to take all steps which may be necessary. 102. The Republic of Dahomey, for its part, is prepared to recognize and give the strongest support to an African nationalist government in exile, in the event of a unilateral declaration of independence. 103. We also believe that the United Nations, confronted by this wave of racism and these incessant assaults upon the freedom of peoples, has a duty to protect, and to ensure the independence and freedom of, the Territories of Basutoland, Bechuanaland and Swaziland, which are vulnerable enclaves in the Republic of South Africa. These Territories will soon become independent. There is reason to fear that the Pretoria Government will pose a serious threat to them. The international community will therefore have to stand guard over their territorial integrity and independence. 104. Until there is greater justice in relations between men and peoples, until certain States desist from exploiting other States, until there are no more minorities trying to hold masses of humanity in misery and slavery, no peace will exist in the world. 105. My country believes that the economic development of the proletarian nations of Africa, Asia and Latin America will be one of the greatest factors contributing to world peace; this is the third point in my statement. 106. The weaknesses of the developing countries, and their grievances, have been set forth at the Geneva Conference. The States represented at that historic Conference agreed on the need to establish forthwith an international commodities organization which, inter alia, would ensure that the developing countries had a regular market for their export products, in increasing quantities, and at remunerative prices. Our main concern is that the purchase price of those products should never be allowed to decline in relation to the prices of the manufactured products imported by our countries. 107. At the same time, industrialized States must refrain erecting tariff barriers against our countries' export trade. They must agree to consume more of our products, whether primary commodities or semi-manufactures. We cannot repeat too often that trade must go hand in hand with aid; we must be given the opportunity to earn, by our own effort, much of the capital which is vital to our development. I do not mean to say that there must be no more foreign aid. Indeed, I shall be speaking in a moment of the need to increase it. Nevertheless, aid should serve simply to supplement our own earnings, the main source of which is trade. 108. At the Geneva Conference, certain countries made the following suggestion, which was well received by all the developing countries. The industrialized States which are our partners would agree to devote to purchases of our goods the repayments on credits granted to our countries for their economic development. In other words, those States would be markets for the enterprises they had helped to create. 109. My delegation also supports the idea of consolidating short-term and medium-term debts and of allowing longer periods, which should not be less than twenty years, for repayment. We developing countries must also impress upon the lending States that the rate of interest should in no case exceed 2 per cent, and that it should be made possible to repay the loans partly in local currency and partly in goods. In addition, an increase in aid from the developed countries, to at least 1 per cent of their national income, would be desirable. 110. Our demands are so numerous that one may wonder what the industrialized countries called upon to make all these sacrifices would have to gain. I firmly believe that the prosperity of the less developed countries is the surest guarantee of prosperity for the developed nations. It is obvious that the more our, purchasing power increases, the more valuable we shall be to those nations as economic partners. Some believe that the industrialization of countries like ours would mean the end/ of the supremacy of their industries, and consequently of their profits and their raison d'etre. This, however, is not so. The industrialized countries, having accumulated a wealth of capital, skill and experience, could without loss to themselves specialize in other, more individualized sectors like electronics, the peaceful uses of the atom, telecommunications and so forth. As a result, the world would tend, surely and harmoniously, towards an international division of labour which would serve to cement our co-operation and our solidarity. Under-development, as has been repeated only too often, is the scourge of the second half of the twentieth century. It is for the men of our age, for our Organization and for the enlightened peoples of the earth to eradicate it forever. 111. The United Nations, having launched the noble project of the United Nations Development Decade, must see that the successive stages of the Decade are accomplished. This is perhaps the place to pay, once again, a well-deserved tribute to the various bodies and specialized agencies of the United Nations which play so important a part in the development of our States—such as UNESCO, UNICEF, WHO, FAO, the Special Fund and the Technical Assistance Board. These bodies must increase the assistance — the substantial and greatly appreciated assistance —which they are already giving to us. While it is true that we need bilateral aid and that such aid is quantitatively, and perhaps qualitatively, more important, it is equally true that multilateral aid is better suited to the attainment of certain objectives. 112. While hoping for increased multilateral aid and United Nations assistance, we should nevertheless wish that certain errors might be avoided in the future—that, for instance, the importance of pre- j investment and other surveys should not be exaggerated to such a degree that they ultimately cost as much as, if not more than, the actual execution of the project, and that the experts sent to us should always be very experienced advisers. A further defect in United Nations bodies which has been noted is that there are few Africans nationals, and in some cases none at all, in senior and policy-making posts. 113. I believe that the African States and the less developed countries have given adequate proof of their devotion to the United Nations. 114. We think that one urgent question of the day is to find a solution to the problem of the huge financial deficit of our Organization. It is unwise to mortgage in this way the future of the United Nations which, despite its defects, has proved its worth. Dahomey solemnly reaffirms its devotion to the Organization, which is the last resource of small nations like ours. For that reason, we hope that any stand which might weaken the effectiveness of the United Nations or even jeopardize its existence will be avoided. 115. The United Nations must be not only safeguarded, but strengthened. It must become even more representative; the various regions of the world must be more equitably represented in all its organs. The Member States should supply the Organization with effective means of defending the ideals embodied in our Charter. 116. My country, the Republic of Dahomey, which since 28 October 1963 has embarked upon a new political course—that of freedom for all its citizens, of democracy, of work for all—today solemnly reaffirms to this impressive Assembly its adherence to the principles of equality among States, respect for their sovereignty, non-interference in their domestic affairs, the coexistence of States with different economic and social systems, the peaceful settlement of disputes, the right of peoples to self-determination, opposition to racism and to all hegemonies, and international co-operation and solidarity. 117. The people and Government of Dahomey pledge themselves to strengthen the world Organization for the purposes of working to maintain and defend peace on earth, and to promote the advancement of peoples. 118. When I came to this rostrum, I stated on behalf of my country that peace was the first and greatest blessing of nations. You are the representatives of the peoples of the earth and you are called upon to establish, maintain and defend that peace. I am sure that you will not fail in your task, especially in an age when, as was so truly stated in this very place one year ago by that ardent lover of peace, the late President John F. Kennedy; "We have the power to make this the best generation of mankind in the history of the world—or to make it the last" [1209th meeting, para. 58.] 119. Representatives of the peoples of the earth, let us all pledge ourselves to shoulder these heavy responsibilities.