85. Mr. President, permit me to offer you Jamaica's warm congratulations and to associate my country's delegation with the expressions of goodwill which have been addressed to you upon your election to the presidency of this nineteenth session of the General Assembly. Your election is a fitting tribute to your great abilities and to the high esteem in which you are held by your colleagues in the United Nations, but it is also a tribute to the dynamic example your country has set to the new nations of the world by its creative effort and its determination to carve out for its people a destiny of which great men can be proud. Representing a country whose citizens are predominantly of African descent, we take a special pride in your elevation to this high office and we are confident that under your skilful guidance the deliberations of this session of the Assembly will result in lasting benefit to the people of the world.
86. In the short period of fourteen months since the eighteenth session of this Assembly was convened, the high hopes we held for the future of world peace have not been realized. Since last we met here, solutions which we thought would be enduring have proved to be short-lived; old hostilities have been renewed, and where harmony had hitherto prevailed fighting has broken out afresh, posing new threats to international peace. As we gather for the opening of this session, we gather in a mood of grave concern, for we feel that the foundations of our Organization are trembling under us. Suddenly it appears that the very survival of the United Nations is seriously threatened.
87. There is no need to apologize for opening my remarks in this debate with a reference to the problem of peace-keeping, for the subject is uppermost in all our minds. We are relieved to find that the shadow which hung over us in recent months is for the moment coming no closer. We are happy that a way has been found for our beloved and respected Secretary-General — and I am sure we all pray for his for his speedy recovery to normal health — to bring his great qualities of mind and heart and his great skill to bear on the disagreements which have divided Member States about the relative roles of one organ and another of the United Nations in the maintenance of international peace and security.
88. At such times of crisis, it is useful to return to first principles; to re-examine our original assumptions about the basic aims we are pursuing through international co-operation; to retrace in our minds the lines of demarcation between principle on the one hand, which cannot be compromised, and methods and machinery on the other, for the latter can be adjusted and improved upon, even discarded and replaced. Such a re-examination is necessarily an individual exercise, but out of many individual exercises a consensus might emerge as to what within our system is ripe for reformation and what must on no account be tampered with,
89. As far as my Government is concerned, it is essential that the United Nations should be strong and that its ability to move with speed and decision against threats to peace and acts of aggression should increase. Prom our point of view, it is of vital importance that the whole United Nations should never be rendered impotent and incapable of dealing with such threats to the peace or acts of aggression. If its main peace-keeping organ, the Security Council, should at any time be paralysed by the veto, but in the considered judgement of the large majority of our Members the occasion is one which calls for United Nations action, then residual means of enabling the United Nations to take such action should be found within the Charter, or written into it.
90. It is my Government's view that operations for the maintenance of peace and security can no longer be regarded as extraordinary non-recurrent activities of the United Nations. We must now recognize the indisputable fact that, if experience is any guide, peace-keeping in one form or another will in future be a normal, regular ever-recurring activity of the Organization. For this reason, we attach great importance to the principle that the means of financing each operation should not have to be determined ad hoc on an emergency basis as the operation is mounted. A basis of finance should be agreed upon beforehand and funds should be raised automatically, as required, through annual assessments on the Member States in exactly the same way as assessments are now levied to defray the expenses of the ordinary budget.
91. Jamaica is concerned to see the Security Council remain strong. We wish to see it employing to the fullest extent the wide and effective powers with which the Charter has endowed it. We would be pleased if the Council, would proceed to draw up the long-term agreements with Member States envisaged by the Charter through which armed forces would be held in readiness, to be employed whenever the necessity arose. We wish it would make proper use of the Military Staff Committee, as the Charter intended it should do.
92. But Jamaica, does not want to strengthen one organ of the United Nations at the expense of another. Our concern is to see the United Nations as a whole and effective instrument for "saving future generations from the scourge of war", and we are continually conscious of the pronouncement of the founders of this Organization in the preamble to the Charter that the people were uniting their strength for these purposes — not depending upon the strength of a few great Powers to secure these ends.
93. In regard to the role of the General Assembly in peace-keeping, my Government considers that the Charter has vested in this organ the exclusive right to levy assessments for peace-keeping operations, whether these be of a military or non-military character. It is proper in our view that this should be so, for the Assembly is the only organ of the United Nations on which all Member nations are represented as of right. We would find it very difficult to believe that a way of strengthening the whole Organization could be to deprive the Assembly of this vital Charter- given power.
94. We recognize that this interpretation of the relative powers and responsibilities of the Assembly and the Council is not shared by all Member States. If, however, fundamental differences persist amongst Member States, including States which played leading roles in the drafting of the Charter, concerning the interpretation of provisions of the Charter, is not the time ripe for a new San Francisco, for a new conference to be called in which the respective interpretations can be thoroughly discussed and the differing views reconciled?
95. Each party to these disputes maintains that the disputed provision in the Charter can bear only the precise interpretation he places on it, and no other; each refers to the wording of an article, or to the intention behind the wording, as authority for the stand he maintains. In such circumstances, my Government sees no alternative than that the Members of the United Nations as a body should once more sit down together, decide what kind of peace-keeping they want, under whose authority the operation should proceed, and write the agreed decisions into our Charter. So far as the Jamaica Government is concerned, we pledge our support for any well-intentioned efforts to remove those obstacles which have stood, up to now, in the way of an agreement upon revision of the Charter.
96. To all appearances, no progress has been made in the negotiations on disarmament in Geneva during the past year. We cannot, of course, allow discouragement at this apparent lack of progress to overtake us. The effort to find areas of agreement must go on, and for my part I wish to affirm my Government's belief in the value of the painstaking effort which the non-nuclear members of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament have been making.
97. We know that certain Member States have been conferring amongst themselves in the past year about arrangements to place stand-by military forces at the disposal of the United Nations. I trust that they will have information to give give us later in this debate about the results of their consultations.
98. We are now all agreed that economic betterment is as essential as peace-keeping to the achievement of the purposes of the Charter. We have reached a stage in our understanding of the contemporary world at which we realize that arms control, peace-keeping, human rights and economic and social development are all vitally important aspects of the effort which must be made to improve the condition of all the inhabitants of this planet.
99. The recent Conference on Trade and Development has laid the foundation for necessary changes in the practice of international trade and production. Member States may congratulate themselves on having tackled this problem at that high level, but it is of paramount importance that the momentum should not slacken. The immediate next step is to establish the institutions which will enable the United Nations to give close and continuing attention to trade and development and so assist in realizing the hopes of the developing countries. It is Jamaica's hope that the setting up of the Trade and Development Board, on a fully representative basis, will be endorsed by this Assembly before the recess at the end oi this month.
100. Let it not be thought, however, that the developing nations accept the results of the Geneva Trade Conference as an adequate fulfilment of their objectives in pressing for United Nations review of trade and development problems. From our point of view, the pattern of world trade is still distorted; the terms of trade are still moving against the developing countries; the gap in living standards between the developed and the developing countries is still widening. As matters now stand, developed and developing countries are probably agreed on the objectives they are willing to have applied in international commercial intercourse; that is all.
101. Agreement has been reached on a number of rules and principles by which international trade and development should be governed, and certain time-limits have been set for their application. The understanding of objectives, however, is not yet matched on the part of the advanced countries by precise decisions signifying that they have accepted commitments to meet the real needs of the developing countries. Indeed, I fear that in the minds of some of these nations Geneva has already gone too far, and things are getting out of hand. Let us hope that these nations will take early steps to reassure us about their intentions.
102. Like other developing nations, Jamaica is anxious to promote a more rapid rate of development so as to defeat the common enemies: hunger, ignorance, disease. We must provide continuing job opportunities and continually rising standards of living for cur people. We recognize that development is meaningless unless it is seen in schools and houses, in diminishing unemployment, in improved living standards and better health for those in our society who are least able to secure these things for themselves.
103. The urgent need is for an increased supply of investment capital on terms we can afford. That the volume and methods of capital financing should be governed by the needs emerging from the development process is a principle we regard as fundamental; and so Jamaica would urge that the United Nations give early attention to the problem of providing capital for developing countries on less onerous terms than at present.
104. From our own experience, we know that much of the cost of the capital available through normal commercial channels is disguised in the excessive tax concessions received by the capital-providing countries as the price for investment. The internal effects of these disguised costs are evident in our inability to collect revenues from new industries during ever-lengthening tax-free periods, revenues which are needed to finance the infrastructure which the government sector must provide. The pressure for concessions is already producing a ruinous competition amongst the developing countries as to which can offer the most attractive conditions, to the serious disadvantage of all of us.
105. Among the problems of capital availability, there is one directly before this Assembly. I refer to the specific recommendation in the Final Act of the Geneva Conference on Trade and Development that the Capital Development Fund should commence operations at an early date on the basis of voluntary contributions.
106. In 1960, at the fifteenth session of this Assembly, the decision was taken that a United Nations Capital Development Fund should be established. The decision was embodied in resolution 1521 (XV). Since that time, the progress made towards the establishment of a fund has been slow and painful. The committee entrusted with the task has had to consider a variety of arguments; among them the argument that, since no additional money is available, the establishment of a development fund would merely result in a diversion of resources.
107. Jamaica recognizes the advantages of bringing into closer integration preinvestment projects and the investment projects which follow them. We will therefore support the proposed consolidation of the Special Fund and the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance into a United Nations development programme. The amalgamated programme, however, would be no substitute for an adequate supply of international capital administered on a multilateral basis. If the United Nations decision of 1960 has not been implemented because funds have not been found, we must continue to explore means of finding those funds. Voluntary contributions can never be adequate to the magnitude of the need.
108. One alternative to which this Assembly has already given thought is the conversion to peaceful means of resources released by disarmament. Studies have been proceeding on the subject, but Jamaica feels the time has come for more positive action. We consider that part of the savings from arms expenditures should be earmarked now for the Capital Development Fund. We suggest that it is time that a dialogue commence as to the amount of savings from their defence budgets which Member States are willing to contribute towards the Capital Development Fund.
109. I now wish to make a few remarks on the problem of South Africa and its policy of apartheid. Last year, speaking from this rostrum, I said that we, the United Nations, could not allow ourselves to confess that the problem of apartheid had defeated us. Since then. South Africa has continued to ignore the resolutions of the United Nations — those passed by the Assembly and by the Security Council. So we must confess that all attempts to persuade or to compel the South African authorities to abandon their hateful policies have failed.
110. This failure has been due, of course, to South African intransigence, but unfortunately this intransigence is supported by the refusal of certain key Member States to comply with Assembly resolution 1761 (XVII), adopted at the seventeenth session, which called on all Member States — not only some — to break off diplomatic relations with South Africa and to sever all relations in trade and transport. We note with appreciation that steps have been taken by one permanent member of the Security Council to cut off the shipment of arms to South Africa. This is excellent so far as it goes. To be effective for the purpose we all intend, however, it must be followed up by the suspension of all trade with South Africa. All Member States of the United Nations must face up to the necessity to do this. It gave me personal pleasure to note in what forthright terms the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions has supported the stand of the United Nations in the decision to apply sanctions against South Africa.
111. Those of us who are genuinely determined to bring apartheid to an end must be resolute in our determination to find legitimate means of bringing this regime to its senses. Jamaica, for its part, will continue to co-operate in all efforts to this end.
112. Nevertheless, I wish to restate my country’s conviction that the future of South Africa cannot be perpetual antagonism between race and race or the permanent elimination of one minority group or another. The future must lie in co-operation between the races on a basis of equality, common respect for human dignity and a common concern for the rights and freedoms of the individual. Because I believe this to be so, I appeal again to the liberal elements amongst the white citizens of South Africa — for liberal elements do exist, although their voice is scarcely heard — to admit that their present Government is dragging the whole nation down the path of national disaster. I appeal to them to repudiate the suicidal policies of the nationalist group and to support those leaders from both races who will accord the African and non-African their just rights, and will build the future political life of the country on co-operation between the races. Here again, those Member States of the United Nations whose trade and investment support the South African economy hold in their hands the key to these possibilities.
113. It is now certain that the decade of the 1960’s will be recorded in history as that which saw the final and complete eradication of colonialism from the face of the globe. In these closing stages of the colonial era, certain territories present a special type of problem. I have in mind the small islands in the Caribbean, the Pacific and the Indian Ocean, which have little chance of economic viability should they eventually be left to fend for themselves.
114. I would like to suggest that in the case of these territories, the United Nations should extend its interest beyond mere pressure for the grant of independence. Under the Technical Assistance and Special Fund programmes, the United Nations should be able to undertake to formulate plans for their development in co-operation with the local government. The United Nations should be able to carry out full programmes for the training of the personnel who will eventually conduct their external relations and direct their economic and social development. I feel certain that the administering Powers responsible for such small colonies will see the wisdom of co-operating with the United Nations in planning and financing the development of these territories.
115. I come now to one area of United Nations activity in which my country has tried to take a special interest. Last year, this Assembly decided [resolution 1961 (XVIII)] that the twentieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights should be celebrated as an International Year for Human Rights. A committee is already at work preparing a draft programme of measures and activities which might be undertaken during the International Year. The Jamaican Government hopes that room will be found within this programme of observances for a worldwide conference on human rights at which the progress made in giving effect to the rights and freedoms set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights might be reviewed. It seems to us that such a conference could also offer the opportunity of taking a fresh look at the whole human rights programme, to see how best we can ensure that the objectives of the Charter in this main field of United Nations effort are most effectively pursued. I think we should consider whether the commission charged with this important part of the United Nations effort has the needed authority to carry out its task, whether it meets too infrequently and whether the resources allocated to it in terms of time, of personnel and of funds are sufficient to meet its needs.
116. In conclusion, I should like to offer a few remarks of a general character on matters which are not immediately on our agenda.
117. The existence of the United Nations as an institution of collective security and international cooperation presupposes the corresponding existence of an international legal order. If the Charter needs further amendment to enable the Organization to meet the challenging problems of our time, so must the international legal order be made to respond to the realities of the changes which are taking place in international society.
118. In this connexion, it is appropriate that, with a view to encouraging the progressive development of international law and its codification, the Assembly should, during this session, continue to study the "principles of international law concerning friendly relations and co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations". If international law is to continue to be the basis of understanding amongst us — and indeed it must — we should not resist changes in the law where changes are justified. On the other hand, we must not be too adventurous in fostering innovations not based on general acceptance. My Government hopes that the study now being undertaken will culminate in significant contributions to the development of international law and to the rule of law throughout the world.
119. Next. I should like to mention one respect in which the United Nations is uniquely well equipped to serve the aims of international peace and security. I refer to the role of United Nations conciliation in the peaceful settlement of disputes. I would urge Member States to remember that the Charter to which we all subscribed requires us to renounce the use of force in the settlement of disputes and to bring our international disagreements to the conference table. Member States should be guided by this obligation at all times. In this connexion, I would like to offer a genuine tribute to the work which United Nations conciliators and personal representatives of the Secretary-General are performing. Some of these dedicated men have given their lives in the service of international peace as surely as if they had laid them down on the field of battle, Jamaica would wish to join other Members of the United Nations in paying respect to their sacrifice.
120. At the beginning of this session, we had the pleasure of welcoming into United Nations membership three new territories — Zambia, Malawi and Malta. By agreement among the Commonwealth representatives, words of welcome were expressed by one or two speakers only on behalf of us all. I must take the opportunity, however, to say with how much pleasure the Jamaican Government and people welcome their arrival in the great community of nations. I will, at the same time, express our hope that before long the few remaining Non-Self-Governing Territories in the American region will similarly take their place in the community of nations.
121. I close with a reaffirmation of my country’s profound belief in the future of the United Nations as the world's best hope for freedom and for the promotion of peace and progress for mankind, and with our pledge to continue our support of its activities for this purpose.