Sudan

 May I, at the outset, pay my country's respectful homage to the memory of our late Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr Dag Hammarskjold, and the devoted officers of the United Nations who fell with him in the battle for peace. The Government and people of the Sudan were profoundly shocked by this immense tragedy. In my country, Mr. Hammarskjold has always been held in the highest esteem for his remarkable ability, his integrity, Ms patience, his courage and his singular dedication to ideals of this Organization. The loss of Mr. Hammarskjold is not only a loss to a family, or to friends, or to his country—that great nation which has sacrificed much in its dedication to this Organization—it is a grievous loss to humanity. We lost him at a time when men like him are so sorely needed. While we pray for these souls, let us also pray that they have not died in vain. Mr. Hammarskjold is dead; but the Organization must continue to live and to flourish. Mr. President, may I tell you how gratifying it is for me to address you as the President of this most important session. The year 1960 was fittingly called the year of Africa because of the impressive number of new nations from that continent admitted to membership in the United Nations; during the fifteenth session of the General Assembly. But Africa will also always remember the sixteenth session as the first session In the life of the Organization to have been presided over by a devoted son of Africa. I feel I have no need to enumerate the unique qualities that so supremely fit you for this high office. These have by now become a matter of common knowledge and they are a full guarantee that the work of this session will be conducted with the greatest degree of wisdom, efficiency and impartiality. 5. While I congratulate you, Mr. President, on your unanimous election, let me also congratulate our brothers in Sierra Leone on their accession to independence and the admission of their vigorous nation to membership in our Organization. Our best wishes go out to them for happiness and prosperity ill their independent and sovereign career. 6. By the time the present session rises, yet another youthful nation of Africa will have joined our ranks. We rejoice in that prospect. The Government and people of Tanganyika may be assured that a warm welcome awaits them. 7. It is both a pleasure and a privilege for me to have been accorded this opportunity of addressing this Assembly of men and women, gathered in this temple of hope to preserve and promote the noblest of all causes, the cause of peace, of progress, and of human brotherhood. 8. I am addressing you today to reaffirm anew the dedication of the Government and people, of the Sudan to the lofty ideals of this Organization: to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war; to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of all nations large and small; and to promote justice, respect for law, social progress, self-determination of peoples, security and the capacity of men to live together in peace with one another as good neighbours. 9. Our membership of this Organization is proof of our belief in these basic principles. When those principles were enshrined in the Charter by the San Francisco Conference and adhered to by subsequent Members, the expectation was natural that a new era would dawn, and a new spirit would reign and that peoples with different social systems and divergent philosophies of life could coexist in peace within the framework of a larger and healthier human unity. But looking at the world today—fifteen years after San Francisco—it is painful to perceive that these high and legitimate hopes have received serious setbacks. 10. My country has been a Member of this Organization for six years now; and reviewing the records of the United Nations in these six years I note that many vital problems of international life have become perennial items on the agenda of successive sessions. Of these vital problems I may mention disarmament, the denial of the right of self-determination to subject peoples, the questions of race conflict, the continued existence of a particular threat to peace in the Middle East and the plight of the under-developed countries. The se problems are debated in session after session. Numerous resolutions are adopted only to be repeated at the following session. I must confess that we are disappointed at this state of affairs. It must not be allowed to continue if the Sword of Damocles, hanging over the entire human race, is to be safely removed. 11. At the top of the list of the problems, the continuance of which pose a real and grave threat to international peace and security, is the problem of disarmament. It is not a new problem, but with the achievements of science to date a solution to it has become a matter of extreme urgency. Since this matter concerns all and each of us, because of its threat to universal peace, its settlement should not be left to the great Powers alone. The United Nations, we maintain, should play the leading role in this field. It is not my intention here to add to the complexity of the problem by entering into a detailed programme of how disarmament should be achieved. Questions of vertical or horizontal disarmament or whether control should precede disarmament or vice versa should be left to the experts. What the General Assembly should now stress is the inescapable necessity of general and complete disarmament and the immediate cessation of nuclear and thermonuclear tests. This latter aspect of disarmament is of the utmost urgency and should not even await a comprehensive agreement on general and complete disarmament. 12. Opposition to the production and testing of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons for military purposes—by anybody, anywhere in the world—is a basic tenet of our foreign policy. We have therefore strongly supported all the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly on this subject. To explode nuclear devices on one's own territory is reprehensible enough; and to do the same on the territory and at the doorsteps of others is morally, as well as legally, wrong. 13. May I from this rostrum solemnly renew appeals to the Governments of France, the Soviet Union and the United States to suspend, forthwith, these tests in order to facilitate an early resumption of negotiations aiming at an agreement on the question of general and complete disarmament. I strongly and hopefully urge them to enter into immediate negotiations for this purpose. I know that I am pleading for a good and worthy cause. My Government noted with satisfaction the joint communiqué issued recently by the United States and the Soviet Union. But we expect them to embark immediately on negotiations in order to realize fully the principles outlined in that joint statement. 14. When the Second . World War was brought to an end, after claiming millions of precious lives from all continents and causing untold sorrows and miseries, the optimists thought that it would be the war ending wars. But, unfortunately those who won the war could not win the peace. The very peace settlements and their direct results are now the sea-bed of tension, heralding the approach of an armed conflict, threatening the whole existence of mankind and civilization. 15. The present crisis in Germany is closely linked with this aspect and is one of its regrettable expressions. Shall we sit supine watching this sabre-rattling of the big Powers and wait for a spark to set off in that region a catastrophe which would, in less than no time, engulf the whole human race? The crisis in its essence is a crisis caused by mistrust, fear and lack of confidence. It is our duty to exert the utmost of moral pressure at our command to allay these fears and doubts and level the way for calm negotiations to be hopefully engaged in, by the two contending Powers. The only alternative to negotiations is bloc or unilateral action, which means a war impossible to localize. Negotiations taking into consideration, first and foremost, the preservation of world peace and the legitimate aspirations of the German people, who are directly concerned, conducted in an atmosphere of mutual good will, are the only safeguard for world peace, and peace is the equal concern of us all, without any conceivable exception. 16. The same two principles, that is, the preservation of world peace and respect for the wishes of the people directly affected, should guide the search for a solution to the Laos crisis. 17. We are unshakably of the conviction that one of the main causes of the ominous tensions engulfing the world today and posing a direct threat to international peace and security is the continued existence of colonialism, in its classical or modern forms, in many parts of the world. This conviction was endorsed by the overwhelming majority of this Organization when it adopted, on 14 December 3961, resolution 1514 (XV) relating to the granting of independence to all colonial countries and peoples. 18. In spite of this unambiguous injunction from this august body, it is sad to note that colonial wars of the most ruthless types are raging in several areas of the world. The one in Algeria has become the most notorious. It is about to enter its eighth year. The dimensions of this tragedy and the suffering and bitterness it has caused are well know to us all. They are too painful even to repeat. 19. It is not for me to tell you why this war has taken place and how it was allowed to continue for so long. The subject has been under discussion in the Assembly for the last six sessions. When we adopted the last resolution on the subject in December of last, year [resolution 1578 (XV)] we honestly hoped -that the familiar item, "Question of Algeria", would not come up for consideration again. We were encouraged in that hope by the fact that the two parties to the conflict had accepted the principle of self- determination as the basis for the solution of the Algerian question. What had then remained for the parties to settle through negotiation was the question of the modalities and guarantees regarding the application of the right of self-determination. 20. Therefore, when the representatives of the two sides met at Evian in June of this year the whole world rejoiced in the prospect that here, at last, the only point which divided them was on the way to a final solution, and that the. end of this heartbreaking tragedy was at last in sight. The fact that the two parties went to Evian without an agenda was welcome proof of a common desire for peace. Consequently the suspension of the Evian talks and the breakdown of the resumed negotiations at Lugrin came as a great disappointment to us. 21. On a careful analysis of the position of the two parties—both at Evian and at Lugrin - as evinced from official pronouncements, my Government has come to the sad conclusion that the French Government has so far seemed to attach a meaning to the principle of self-determination which is at variance with the concept as contemplated by the Charter, as defined in various General Assembly resolutions and as so far applied in the case of all the ex-dependent territories which are now represented in this Organization of independent sovereign States. We earnestly hope that France will find a way of revising its position on this basic aspect and that negotiations will immediately be resumed. This grievous drama has continued for only too long. Should the two parties encounter difficulties regarding the modalities and guarantees of She application of self-determination, the United Nations should intervene immediately—through an impartial international commission—to organize, control and supervise the referendum whereby the Algerian people shall freely determine the future of their entire country. This is a duty which the United Nations, true to its basic mission of safeguarding peace and protecting fundamental human rights, cannot lightly abdicate. 22. Another colonial war of equal ruthlessness and inhumanity is the one that is being waged against the defenceless people of Angola. Both the General Assembly and the Security Council have decided that the continuance of the situation in Angola is an actual and potential cause of international friction and is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security. The Security Council particularly has called upon the Government of Portugal to desist forthwith from repressive measures against the Angolan people and further to extend every facility to the Sub-Committee appointed by the General Assembly to investigate the disturbing situation in Angola. But the Government of Portugal has chosen to adopt a negative attitude s both toward the verdict of the General Assembly and the injunctions of the Security Council. Repressive measures against the Angolan people continue unabated. The Sub-Committee has not been accorded an, opportunity to make inquiries on the spot. Whatever the contentions of the Government of Portugal, the General Assembly has unambiguously ruled that Angola is a non-self-governing territory within the meaning of Chapter XL of the Charter, This being the position, both Portugal and the community of nations have a sacred duty to perform towards the people of that unhappy territory. The United Nations cannot be expected to sit back as passive spectators to this frightful tragedy. A solution could and should be found—a solution based on right, on justice, on respect for the dignity of man and the right of the Angolan people to self-determination. 23. In speaking about Angola, I am also thinking of the Congo—a tragedy with which the world is only too familiar. The underlying causes of that drama and the circumstances responsible for its aggravation have been the subject of discussion in these chambers for over a year now. The constant and consistent attitude of the Sudan Government towards that situation is well known. So, also, is our conception of the role of the United Nations there. Our policy has always been, and continues to be, the support of international efforts to preserve the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of the young Republic, to safeguard it from outside interference, and thus to insulate it from the arena of the cold war. I do not like to go into the past, because it is a painful one. The duty of the world community now is to continue to do everything in its power to erase the consequences of the sad experiences of the past. Foreign intervention, overt or covert, from which the Congolese people have suffered so grievously during the past year, should not be repeated. We must make it possible for the Congo to embark freely upon the road of its independent development based on respect for its sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. We should do this not for the sake of the Congo alone: if the Congo is allowed to drift into anarchy or civil war, or to fall, as an easy prey, into the clutches of foreign interference, the consequences of these things will not stop at the frontiers of the Congo. It will engulf the whole African continent. What such a prospect will mean for the peace and security of the world is not too difficult to imagine, 24. One of the poisonous phenomena from which mankind is suffering today is the practice of racial segregation and discrimination in some parts of the world. It is an anachronism that this practice should be regarded as a philosophy, should be backed by legal instruments, and should be carried out by force, as we witness it in the Republic of South Africa. 25. I do not intend to analyse the fallacy of the concept of racial superiority, as it has already been refuted by scientific facts and is no longer justified by established moral values. I should only like to point out that the perpetuation of such policies—a convenient political instrument for the degradation and exploitation of one race by another—will result in incalculable human misery and will further complicate an already complicated international scene. It is therefore our duty here to denounce the continuation of such policies and appeal to the conscience of man to take the necessary measures to discard this dangerous myth which is disturbing the happy relations between individuals and nations. In so doing we shall have achieved peaceful coexistence between the races, irrespective of their colour or creed, "on a basis of respect, equality and dignity. 26. A constant source of anxiety and unrest in the Middle East for the last thirteen years has been the unsettled question of Palestine and the tragedy of the Palestinian Arab refugees. In its simplest terms it is a tragedy of an entire nation uprooted from its ancestral land and forced into the frustration and agony of camp life, with no security in life except the United Nations ration card and nothing to sustain it but the hope of returning to the land from which it was forcibly and unjustly torn away. 27. Without dwelling on the sad episode that preceded and resulted in this unique situation, we must stale frankly that the United Nations bears a great responsibility for finding a just solution to this problem. We feel that a just and civilized solution is long overdue. But any solution which overlooks the facts and origins of the problem is bound to be a false one and cannot endure. The search for any such solution must start from the basic premise that the refugees will be given, in freedom, the right to. determine their future by choosing either to return to their homes or to be fully compensated for their losses, as has been decided by the United Nations in about a dozen of its resolutions. The world cannot afford to allow this tragedy to continue and gain in magnitude and ramifications as time marches on. It is our greatest hope that this Organization, guided by its Charter and the principles which motivated its creation, will rectify the errors and save a situation fraught with dangers to peace and security in a most explosive part of the world. 28. What I have said about the situation in Palestine posing a threat to peace applies also to the tense situation obtaining in some parts of the Arab peninsula. We have always urged, in all sincerity, that solutions corresponding to the aspirations of the peoples of these areas and in keeping with their right of self-determination be found without delay. We believe that the cause of peace and the maintenance of friendly relations will be served if approaches consistent with the spirit and letter of the Charter are brought to bear to settle the issues involved. 29. Yet another cause of the existing unrest and disharmony on the international scene can be found, in our view, in the disparity in the economic and social fields which characterizes our present time and divides the world into the very rich and the very poor. These unbalanced standards of economic development have resulted in psychological trends which do not inspire satisfaction or complacency. In fact, they sow the seeds of discontent and jealousy. How can we expect stability and peace to prevail while half of the world population possesses less than one-tenth of the wealth of the world? This situation undoubtedly has created a psychological gap between the northern and southern hemispheres of the globe which is in no way less dangerous, and is perhaps potentially more destructive, than the ideological differences now existing between the East and the West. 30. The sharpness of this disparity has not been smoothed to an appreciable degree by the bilateral or multilateral assistance offered in the post-war era by some industrially developed countries, as these types of assistance were motivated in most cases by short- term political aims and were not based on genuine long-term economic and social policies. 31. The under-developed countries have also suffered from the fall in world prices of raw materials, as a result of the commercial policies adopted by the industrialized countries; this has been greater than what they have ever gained from international assistance. The recent trends toward economic grouping advocated by the developed countries, without giving due consideration to the interests of the underdeveloped nations, will eventually lead to the multiplication of the wealth of the "haves" and the aggravation of the poverty of the "have-nots". 32. This type of conditional and meagre assistance offered by the developed countries from the surplus of their accumulated wealth will not solve the problems of the under-developed countries. Accordingly, we believe we are justified in urging that all assistance to the poor countries should be channelled through the United Nations and its specialized agencies. At the same time, the developed countries should be urged to increase the amount of their assistance. And, in this respect, we believe that if we could come to an agreement on complete disarmament, there would be released huge funds which could be directed to enhancing the economic development of the poor countries and raising their standards of living. Moreover, the developed countries could prove their goodwill and co-operation by facilitating the task of the Commission on International Commodity Trade in exploring ways and means of stabilizing the prices of primary products, and, consequently, strengthening the economies of the under-developed countries by protecting them against fiscal fluctuations. The developed countries are, no doubt, justified in following any policy that strengthens their own economies through co-ordination or economic integration. But they cannot be justified in using these policies as a guise to preserve old, or create new, monopolies, or indulge in economic discrimination as between countries of one region or one continent. 33. Lastly, we are aware that the under-developed countries themselves should share in shouldering the responsibilities of putting an end to the economic and social differences prevailing in their countries and in different regions of the world. They must aim at economic as well as social development, thus avoiding the shortcomings of the Industrial Revolution. The wide gaps existing between economic and social development have led, and will lead, to grave political disturbances which, in turn, can create opportunities for foreign influence and interference. This latter result cannot be conducive to the peace and stability of that area or country. Finally, economic planning must, in our view, aim at the welfare of all and not serve only the interests of a minority. 34. It is not much, we believe, to ask the developed countries to co-operate with the under-developed ones in achieving this noble goal. By so doing, they will also serve their own interests and, at large, serve the cause of peace and the security of the whole world. 35. During the last session, the General Assembly took an historic decision by adapting resolution 1514 (XV) on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. At this session the Assembly is expected to consider the question of the implementation of that resolution. A vital point in the discussions will be the question of a target date by which all dependent territories should gain independence. The view of my Government is that all colonial countries and peoples should be freed without further delay. 36. These are some of the main causes which, in our view, are responsible for the tensions which characterize our present-day world. But the question is: can the United Nations solve them or contribute to their solution in a way that will ensure the preservation of peace? We honestly believe that this is possible. All -we need is good will on all sides, mutual trust and respect for the decisions of the United Nations and the sentiments of mankind. The United Nations may have made mistakes in the past. It may make more mistakes. But this is only natural. It is a human endeavour, and it will serve no useful purpose to insist on perfection from all, or any, human endeavour. The Organization has from time to time been exposed to certain challenges and situations in the face of which it could not hold out as strongly as it should have done, incurring thereby certain wavering of confidence in some quarters and certain accusations of ineffectiveness in others. For this, the responsibility is not that of the Organization as such as much as that of the Member States. The United Nations is not yet a world government invested with the power to enforce its own decisions. The only power the United Nations can count upon is the willingness of Member States to respect it and make genuine efforts—however sacrificial—to uphold its decisions. This, unfortunately, has not always been the case, especially when the interests of a great Power—or of a Member supported by such a Power—have been affected. I can quote many instances affecting very vital issues. The success or failure of the Organization, I may repeat, Will in the last resort depend on the kind and degree of co-operation the Members are prepared to offer to it—on their obedience to its decisions, on their belief in its mission and on their unqualified respect for the spirit of the Charter. 37. What happened in the Congo is a most lucid example. It is an example of the kind of challenge that can face this Organization. It is an example, alas, of the way in which some Members can circumvent the decisions of the Organization. It is also an example of the extent of the sacrifice which some Member States can make to uphold the decisions of the Organization. It is in this last category of Members, prepared to sacrifice their sons on the altar of all for which this Organization stands, that the future of the United Nations resides. 38. Of course, there are weaknesses in the Organization. But when we perceive a weakness in it, our first impulse should not be one of despair. Despair is a bad counsellor. Our impulse should be one of determination to remove the causes of that weakness. One main weakness, for example, is caused by the exclusion from this community of the representatives of the People's Republic of China. We are convinced that the representation of China would not only recognize the legitimate rights of the Chinese people and their Government, but would surely enhance the effectiveness of the Organization. If this Organization is to fee a true community of nations, it cannot close its doors to a quarter of the inhabitants of the globe. Moreover, some of the great problems plaguing the world today—like disarmament—cannot be settled without the effective participation of China. 39. In order to strengthen the United Nations and enable it to meet many of the requirements of present- day international political life, we believe that the Charter of the United Nations should be amended. The world has changed since 1945 . The membership of the Organization has doubled. Many young, energetic States have emerged, influencing by their vigour and .youth the form and spirit of the Organization. It activities, especially in the functional field, are expanding very fast. These drastic changes in the facts of international life make corresponding changes in the structure of the United Nations organs imperative. 40. I have in mind the expansion of the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council, so as to provide an adequate and just representation for all, especially the newly independent States from Africa and Asia. The use of the veto in the Security Council should, we believe, be curtailed, if not altogether abolished. 41. The United Nations Charter should also be amended to ban the production of nuclear weapons for military purposes and to condemn the armaments race. It should be amended to put an end to the myth of interference in the internal affairs of States, which crops up whenever the fate of a colonial people struggling for their liberation is brought to the attention of this Organization. 42. The main powers of the Organization should be concentrated in the General Assembly, as the most representative organ, and its decisions should have an effective mandatory character. 43. The scope and authority of the specialized agencies of the Organization should be expanded and strengthened in order to enable them to accentuate their most commendable efforts in the service of humanity. 44. About the current controversy regarding the reorganization of the office of the Secretary-General I have this to say. We are aware that the substantially increased membership of the Organization, and the rapid expansion of its activities, may make some administrative reorganization of the Secretariat desirable. But we feel that this could be achieved without sacrificing or undermining the authority, independence and international character of the office of the Secretary-General, as prescribed by the Charter. We do not believe that the substitution of one Secretary-General by a triumvirate body with possible veto rights will in any way strengthen the executive arm of the Organization. We feel that the result of such a step would be to carry the political and ideological differences, from which the world is unfortunately suffering today, into the executive organ of the United Nations and thereby paralyse its effective and impartial functioning. 45. These are, for the time being, our main comments in regard to strengthening the prestige and effectiveness of this Organization. This Organization is for us the hope of mankind at large and the last resort of the* weak and small nations. May God bless our joint endeavours to live together in a world of peace, of harmony, and of human brotherhood.