It is indeed a pleasure for me to congratulate Mr. Slim on his election as President of the sixteenth session of the General Assembly. I am sure that the Assembly will benefit greatly from his wisdom, experience and judgement, qualities so befitting the office of its President. The distinguished record of his country in international, co-operation and its many ties with my own country make the expression of these congratulations a most pleasant duty.
116. I should also like to say a word of sincere appreciation to Mr. Boland who presided over the last, somewhat turbulent session of the Assembly with great dignity and authority.
117. This is the first time that I visit the Headquarters of the Organization. It is very heartening to look around at the many nations represented here, belonging to different races, cultures and creeds and all forming part of that greater whole—the United Nations family. At a time when weapons of mass destruction continue to be produced, in a world which is ideologically divided and whose constant upheavals provide so many opportunities for major discord, the role played by this annual gathering becomes increasingly evident.
118. Now that the small and medium Powers are instrumental in shaping the decisions of the Assembly, it is their responsibility to utilize their opportunities with objectivity, so that the Assembly may evolve as a great force in international relations and its authority be effectively applied for the solution of any international controversy, whatever its origin, nature and scope.
119. Reviewing events since the last session, we can claim, it is true, to have avoided so far a major disaster leading to global war. But we have abided by the ideal of coexistence only in practice—not in spirit. In the past year we have been able to eradicate none of the causes of old controversies. Problems that have lain dormant have reappeared And now, new crises, with awesome implications, have emerged.
120. The Berlin crisis looms threateningly over us all and its immediate and tragic consequences have been an acceleration of the arms race and the cessation of the disarmament talks. The truce in Laos is precarious and the future of that Kingdom uncertain; the position in Angola is steadily assuming the characteristics of another international crisis. As to the situation in Algeria and in Bizerta, although there have been some recent encouraging statements, the crucial issues have yet to be settled.
121. As we gather here, the prospect of arriving at a solution of the vital problem of disarmament is most discouraging. Serious and sustained efforts to reach an agreement have been quite abandoned. Indeed the general mood prevailing among the big Powers is not one of disarmament but of rearmament; existing stockpiles, far from being reduced or eliminated, are being reinforced by new weapons with greater destructive power. The recent resumption by the Soviet Union of the testing of nuclear weapons shattered all long-cherished hopes that agreement in this field might serve as a basis for an agreement on the general question of disarmament. With the ending of the voluntary moratorium, the big. Powers apparently feel at liberty to perfect their nuclear arsenals in a bitter, competitive mood, and potential nuclear Powers will feel equally free to develop their own nuclear devices. Humanity is being brought closer than ever to the brink of a thermo-nuclear war; in the meantime radio-active fall-out serves as a constant and appalling reminder of the deadly perils we face if testing is to continue.
122. The Iranian people received the news of the resumption of testing with great shock; their alarm and anxiety, particularly as regards the danger of fall-out, is more than justified by their geographical position. There is no conceivable justification for the cynical and incoherent way in which the disarmament question is being treated. It has been postponed so often in order that certain procedural considerations be satisfied, and even when negotiations started, the big Powers have been primarily concerned with their national interests. The disarmament meetings have followed this pattern for so long now that it would seem that future negotiations will again prove unproductive in such an outworn framework. Any further talks must be animated by far greater foresight and realism than before. We need to take a new look at the old issues,, to establish new precedents in order to achieve that which has been denied us for so long. Whether the arms race is absorbing the energy and resources of industrialized nations or of less developed countries, its heavy weight is felt by us all.
123. The sixteenth session of the Assembly has been convened at a time when international tensions have reached unprecedented heights. The reopening of the Berlin crisis has added still more fuel to the boiling cauldron of international friction. It is our earnest belief that there are two major factors to be considered in solving the problem: that force, and threats to use force, must be abandoned; and that the rule of international law with respect to the right of peoples to self-determination must be observed.
124. The most, and perhaps the only, hopeful aspect of the present situation is that the general apprehension and feeling of insecurity may bring the large Powers to realize how fast we are drifting towards a nuclear holocaust. I sincerely hope that the present debate will contribute to establishing a better understanding of the paramount importance of disarmament and of the means by which it can be translated into reality, I should like to emphasize to the Assembly that the role of the medium and small Powers in
this vital issue is, and wan only be, one of inducement and persuasion.
125. The lack of progress in disarmament negotiations also has grave implications for the economy of the international community. It has resulted in the expenditure of an enormous and increasing proportion of world resources for the piling up of armaments across our little globe. A very small fraction of such resources could, if devoted to peaceful purposes, make a significant contribution to the material well- being of humanity, and especially of those who live in the under-developed countries and who account for over half of the world population.
126. The urgent need of under-developed countries for foreign economic aid is matched by an equally pressing need for trade—namely, the need for adequate opportunities to sell their products in the industrialized countries. In this respect the industrial countries have an opportunity of showing their solidarity with the rest of the world in two ways. First, they should give more vigorous support to the various price stabilization and compensatory financing schemes for stabilizing the foreign exchange earnings of the primary exporting countries. It is essential to reduce the wide range of fluctuations in these earnings if the development programmes of the primary producing countries are not to be periodically disrupted, as they have been since the end of the last war. Secondly, it is important that the industrialized countries adopt more liberal policies in admitting the products of under-developed countries. Would it be too great a burden on them to reduce the protection now being accorded to those domestic industries whose products compete with imports from the under-developed countries? It is now generally recognized that developing countries are morally and economically justified in extending a certain degree of protection to infant industries against competition from the industrialized countries if they are to make any progress at all in their plans of industrialization. No comparable justification can be given by developed countries for protecting a few sectors of their economies against competition from under-developed countries, enjoying as they do a high standard of income, also a high degree of resource mobility in their diversified economies.
127. While stressing the necessity for increasing international economic co-operation, I should like, in passing, to voice the hope that the proposal for the establishment of a United Nations capital development fund, which has been under consideration in one form or another for over ten years now, will at last become a reality. The operations of such a fund, which should follow the twelve principles unanimously approved for it, would enhance the authority and prestige of our Organization. It would add substance to the structure of the Special Fund and the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance, and the operations of these two important agencies would take on new and significant meaning, it therefore appeal to the prospective contributing members to give their blessing to the immediate establishment of the fund.
128. Having dwelt briefly on certain problems in international economic co-operation, I should like now to turn t the question of Algeria, which still remains a source of international tension. The people and Government of Iran have watched with deep sympathy and admiration the development over the years of the Algerian movement for independence.
After a long period of bloodshed and political stalemate, a new realistic policy was initiated by President de Gaulle, which culminated in the acceptance by France of Algerian independence. This caused great joy in Iran. Not long ago, negotiations were undertaken to explore the possibility of transferring sovereignty to the Algerian people, but the introduction of certain elements into the talks has so far hindered further progress. We are indeed happy to observe that President de Gaulle recently recognized the Algerian people's, right of sovereignty over the Sahara; this declarations/ strikes a most promising note. More than ever before, the whole problem requires an objective appraisal at a round-table conference, so that an honourable accord may be reached between France and Algeria. I sincerely trust that negotiations will remove the last obstacles impeding a settlement of this long and dramatic struggle, and that we may soon be able to welcome among us the presence and co-operation of an independent State of Algeria.
129. In another part of Africa, the Congo (Leopoldville), for whose unity Mr. Hammarskjold gave his life, we supported the way in which the situation was handled by him, and once again we confirm this support. The recent operation undertaken by the United Nations Force was, in the view of my delegation, in accordance with the Security Council's resolution of 21 February 1961.Indeed, we must not shirk our responsibilities in following through with such action as is necessary to achieve a united Congo.
130. One of the basic issues confronting this session is the reorganization of the Secretariat. Reorganization is a necessary process in any administration. In general, it tends to make an agency more effective and also more responsive to the needs of a given period. In .its relatively short existence the United Nations Secretariat has already undergone certain changes. What is needed now is a reorganization of the Secretariat which will render it more efficient, more representative and less costly. It is indeed to be regretted that these urgent and practical requirements, which are a natural development in any organization's evolution,, have now become entangled with a far-reaching proposal which is evidently based on a very different interpretation of the concept of the United Nations from that held by the majority of Member States. According to the proposal, the United Nations should be turned into a "realistic" political body through the introduction of present-day ideological trends into the Secretariat, through replacing the present single-headed office of the Secretary-General by a triumvirate representing the Western, the Eastern and the neutral blocs, and through making execution of every political decision dependent on the unanimous consent of the three officers.
131. The proposed formula clearly goes far beyond the classical definition of "reorganization". If the formula were applied, it would certainly paralyse the normal operations of the Secretariat, as well as impede the natural development of the Organization. Graver still, the concept of an international civil service as a manifestation of the corporate quality of the United Nations, which is clearly reflected in Articles 24 and 25 of the Charter, would suffer a
mortal blow if the triumvirate proposal were put into effect.
132. We see in this formula a close analogy with the so-called "reform of the League" movement of the early twenties, the general purpose of which was to minimize the authority of the League of Nations, Article 10 of the Covenant—the core of the League's collective security—bearing the brunt of the attack. Believing then, as now, in an effective international organization, Iran vehemently opposed this assault on Article 10. I am glad to recall that our single vote kept this principle, against strong opposition, at least theoretically intact. Convinced as it is of the necessity for a strong international organization, Iran cannot accept the triumvirate as a basis for the reorganization of the Secretariat. It would certainly result in an attrition of the very principles upon which the United Nations is founded. In this connexion I should like to refer to the introduction to the annual report of the Secretary-General, which is devoted this year to an analysis of the character and authority of the United Nations: what it is and what it ought to be. We feel that this is a particularly timely presentation and appreciate highly the late Secretary-General's choice of subject.
133. My remarks would be incomplete without a reference to the geographical region to which Iran belongs. The Middle East cannot claim that, since we gathered here last year, any of its political problems have been solved completely, but at least its controversies, both old and new, have remained within the bounds of logic and tolerance. Though this is not an end in itself it may at least be regarded as an auspicious beginning to the settlement of controversies.
134. Iran, occupying as it does an important strategic position in the Middle East, must contend with one of the most insidious weapons of the cold war, ceaseless and subversive radio propaganda. An admirable invention of modern science has become, in the hands of unscrupulous agents, a vile instrument for inciting nations to act against their loyalty 16" traditional institutions, with intent to create chaos and disrupt world peace. In addition to this vicious radio propaganda, which is directed to the undermining of morale, press cliques belonging to the same agents have issued distorted articles on the internal affairs of other countries in an attempt to kindle a spirit of hatred in the hearts of nations.
135. I do not wish to elaborate the point and thus take up further the time of the General Assembly, but would nevertheless reaffirm our unshakable belief in the maintenance of friendly relations among States, a fundamental concept expressed in the United Nations Charter. We have always adhered strictly to this policy and naturally expect it to be upheld by others so far as Iran is concerned. The continuation of this infamous radio propaganda, and the attacks by certain irresponsible sections of the press, constitute a flagrant violation of the letter and spirit of the Charter and of the special resolutions on peaceful and neighbourly relations among States passed at the twelfth [1236 (XII)] and thirteenth [1301] sessions of the General Assembly.
136. Clearly there is no easy way out of the present world dilemma, no ready-made solution of these problems. However, though present prospects for international peace are bleak, though military build-up and threat seem the order of the day, we must pursue with determination and patience the ultimate purpose for which we have come together—the establishment of peace and order throughout the-world. May I conclude by urging that it is by applying the machinery of peaceful settlement and not by making shows of strength that the issues at stake can be truly resolved. This has been attested time and time again in the past.