114. On behalf of the Republic of Gabon I wish to pay the highest tribute to Mr. Dag Hammarskjold, who died on our African soil so that the independence of an African country might be saved, so that a free republic might live in freedom. May the example of this life dedicated to the union of peoples and the welfare of humanity, and this death on a field of battle where ancient forces of oppression are still at grips with the invincible forces of liberation, remain always fresh in our memory. Leon Mba, the President of the
Republic of Gabon, the Government and the people of Gabon convey their grief and sympathy to his family and the families of his colleagues who died at his side.
115. I should now like to say how proud Africans are to see our proceedings conducted by President Mongi Slim; for he symbolizes this wise policy of decolonization in friendship which, since the conversation at Carthage, stands as an example of what can be done by good faith and the will to peace and understanding. And we have not forgotten that when Gabon was admitted to the United Nations in 1960, Tunisia was one of the countries which gave us a warm and friendly welcome.
116. Lastly, I am delighted to salute the admission of a new African State to the United Nations, the Republic of Sierra Leone.
117. After these tributes of sadness and of hopes I shall now, on behalf of my country, turn to the great problems of the moment.
118. Our Assembly has perhaps never before been confronted by a more alarming situation, for it is the future of humanity, the lives of millions of human beings which are the terrible stakes in the in the race to produce even more murderous weapons. Human genius, which should be devoted exclusively to the fight against poverty, ignorance and disease, is devising instruments of death which imperil the very existence of this planet. No nation, great or small, no matter to which bloc it belongs, no matter what its political ideology, would be spared in a conflict which would instantly become global. That is why we consider—and when I say we, I think I am expressing the will of all the African countries here—that the first task of the United Nations must be to ensure the progressive, controlled and equitable disarmament of Powers possessing a nuclear striking force. This disarmament, as President Kennedy emphasized [1013th meeting], must also extend to all the conventional instruments of destruction.
119. We are firmly convinced that the small nations which cherish peace and need international agreement in order to build up their economies, to educate their peoples who are thirsting to learn, to build schools, hospitals and decent housing, to equip their growing industries, to combat disease, and finally to achieve full emancipation, can make a decisive contribution in the struggle for peace.
120. Even if they are small in the number of their inhabitants or the size of their territory, they can be great in the moral stature of their citizens and their noble sense of international solidarity. A country like Gabon, which does not regard any single nation represented here as anything but its friend, which, while strongly attached to the principles of freedom, is willing to admit any divergent position—can such a country not do its bit in building a world free from fear? What problem is there, however agonizing, which cannot be solved in the course of prolonged discussion in this temple of peace? The small nation's right to life must be guaranteed: every man, whatever his race, the colour of his skin, his political or religious ideals, has the right to live. The great Powers may perhaps be able to carry through this broad programme of integral disarmament, which remains the supreme objective, by associating the young
peoples closely with it, the peoples which today represent almost half the membership of this Assembly.
121. The most serious threat today comes from Berlin. This danger is due to the fact that the two blocs are standing face to face in a Germany cut in two, and a clumsy gesture, a misinterpreted order, an impulse of impatience or fear may unleash a world conflict. We are bound to note, not without regret, that the division of Germany is a brutal reality which must be taken into account. In the interest of peace, however, we think that the German people should have a chance, as soon as possible, to make known its opinions in free elections.
122. Over forty years ago a great idealist, President Wilson, and a great French statesman, Georges Clemenceau, solemnly declared to a world which had at last found peace again that the right of peoples to self-determination must be the foundation of all national construction. This right of peoples, which on the international level is the magnified projection of human rights, should inspire the heads of States to find a peaceful solution to the problem of Berlin.
123. Is it unthinkable that a first zone could be established under the United Nations flag, embracing not only West Berlin but the whole of the city, from which the troops now there would be evacuated? All suggestions for a solution based on good faith and on the agreement of the parties at issue must be examined with the firm intention of putting an end to this universal anguish.
124. The General Assembly of the United Nations could suggest that the parties at issue should study a reasonable plan to be carried out as early as possible and allowing for mutual sacrifices, sacrifices which are the essential and inevitable counterpart of a restored peace. Yes, sacrifices will be asked of the great Powers of both blocs, but what debt of gratitude will humanity not owe to the States which will thus have made it possible for man to devote himself at last to the sole pursuit of his well-being? An honest discussion, under the high authority of the United Nations, between those responsible for this danger ought to result in a solution, for it is our Organization's duty to guarantee honest peaceful coexistence between all nations.
125. Since the end of the last war the dramatic division of States has- affected numerous countries; it is one of the major factors in the persistence of the cold war. Too often this division has been encouraged by the intervention of certain Powers. Did not the weapons and men which enabled Katanga to defy the work of unification undertaken by the United Nations in the Congo come from outside? In the twentieth century any revolution , any internal uprising, the repression of any national liberation movement, assumes an international character and the interference or the false neutrality of certain nations does not always tilt the balance in favour of justice. How can we hope to localize a conflict today? How can we be sure that a conflict affecting only one minor territory will not unleash a world war? How, for example, can we pretend that the brutal repression of the Angolan liberation movement is not a constant threat to peace on the African continent? World opinion has been roused, The Archbishop of Canterbury has said that Christian conscience. is horrified and that violence has been met with still greater violence.
126, Despite propaganda by the Portuguese press, despite the censorship which blankets all news of Angola, we know that nearly 100,000 blacks have been massacred. The Portuguese army is using tanks to mow down these people, who are dying that their nation finally be free; it is destroying whole villages with flame-throwers. So let us hear no more about Portugal's civilizing mission. After more than four centuries of Portuguese occupation, 99 per cent of the population is illiterate, infant mortality is rising year by year. And how should the Portuguese not be reluctant to leave a country where they possess four-fifths of the cultivable land and where their soldiers, when demobilized, become landowners? It is time to put an end to the exploitation of the black man by the colonialists. It is intolerable that the most valuable elements of the Angolan population should be sold like slaves to the mining companies of South Africa.
127. On 11 December 1946 the General Assembly of the United Nations unanimously condemned genocide as a crime under international law [resolution 96 (I)]. Moreover, according to article II of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of
Genocide, adopted by the General Assembly on 9 December 1948 [resolution 260 (III)], and I quote:
"Genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:
"(a) Killing members of the group;
"(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
" (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
"(d)...
n(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group."
Article IV of the Convention says: "Persons committing genocide ... shall be punished, whether they are constitutionally responsible rulers, public officials or private individuals". Portuguese acts in Angola, Sao Tome and Principe, Mozambique, Guinea and the Cape Verde Islands, do indeed constitute a crime against humanity. The presence of a delegation from the Portuguese Government in these precincts is a challenge to the African continent and the free world. And yet responsible Portuguese should understand that by trying to keep everything they are certain to lose everything. How much wiser, more intelligent, more humane the work of decolonization undertaken by France and Great Britain has been. If Portugal could bring itself to leave a country which wants to be free, it could preserve the friendship of a people which, in the joy of liberation, would try to forget the brutal regime under which it has painfully laboured.
128, Speaking of decolonization, President Kennedy, recognizing that it is one of this Assembly's central preoccupations, said, and I quote:
"Within the limits of our responsibility in such matters, my country intends to be a, participant, and not merely an observer, in the peaceful, expeditious movement of nations from the Status of Colonies to the partnership of equals. That continuing
tide of self-determination which runs so strong has
our sympathy and our support." [1013th meeting,]
129. In the hope that the movement for decolonization can revert to peaceful means, we take this opportunity to urge the friends of Portugal without delay to make representations to that country in order that the shedding of blood may cease, and that at around table conference the Portuguese and the African nationalists may settle the procedure for the achievement of independence by the so-called "Portuguese" territories. We impugn the delaying tactics which consist of transforming the colonies into provinces of a metropolitan country several thousand miles away, and of rejecting any suggestion from outside for negotiations under the fallacious pretext that the metropolitan country and the "African provinces'' form a single national entity.
130. Since it is a problem of war and peace, and of the continuance of friendship between Europeans and Africans, all men of good will should make every effort to ensure that there is no more bloodshed to widen the gulf which already exists between Portugal and the African nationalists.
131. Friendship between liberated peoples and former colonizers is a universal rule, Has not Latin America ties of deep affection with Spain and Portugal? Has the United States a more faithful ally than the United Kingdom? And tomorrow—at least that is the great hope we wish to express—will not Algeria become independent thanks to the constructive action of General de Gaulle, together with the other countries of the Maghreb, be a friend of France?
132. There is another problem which claims the attention of our Assembly and which threatens this peaceful coexistence which we have so much at heart- that 4s the problem of racial segregation in South Africa. That country has never paid the least attention to the General Assembly resolutions condemning segregation, which is a violation of the United Nations Charter and of the pledges of Member States under Article 76. These discriminatory measures, which ate an infringement of human rights, are accompanied by acts of violence, heavy sentences and bloodshed. On 13 April 196i, at its 981st plenary meeting, the General Assembly adopted a resolution [1598 (XV)] calling upon the Government of the Union of South Africa to bring its policies into conformity with its obligations under the Charter. Despite that resolution, the oppression of the black man in South Africa is becoming daily more brutal. It would be a terrible thing if our Assembly did not take steps to induce South Africa to put an end to its policy of segregation; if it cannot bring justice to that country, it should expel from its midst the representation of the most reactionary of the racist governments.
133. Unfortunately it seems likely that we shall have to resort to the latter solution, for segregation as understood by South Africa has become a religion with an inflexible dogma,
134. The decisive event of the second half of the twentieth century has been the arrival on the world stage of the Asian and African nations France and the United Kingdom have helped these young countries to recover their independence and have thus made it possible to substitute for the outdated colonialism of the period before the Second World War a cooperation which we for our part are endeavouring
to make more fruitful. But the process of decolonization ought to be accelerated, for although the United Kingdom and France have brought about the liberation of hundreds of millions of men and of many . countries formerly under their rule, other European nations are still disregarding the moral and political significance of the liberation of a people. That is why we believe that the United Nations was justified in dealing with that problem at the fifteenth session of the General Assembly. It would seem to be urgent to speed up the process of decolonization throughout the world as an essential prerequisite of peace among the peoples. The United Nations should consider each individual case and recommend the appropriate solution. After this stage of political decolonization, achieved as far as possible through negotiation, we feel that the United Nations should institute an extensive programme to assist the decolonized countries to develop harmoniously and consolidate their independence. We know that United Nations programmes of assistance for under-developed countries already exist. But it seems to us necessary that in addition to ordinary technical assistance, a large capital development fund should be established. This fund, the utilization of which in the development programmes of our countries should be a decisive factor, would, we are certain, enable us to avoid economic colonization, which is at least as harmful as political colonization.
135. The international situation is at present dominated by the problem of Berlin, the resumption of nuclear tests, and the after-effects of colonization, all elements of the cold war which, as we have already said, threaten to lead us to the abyss. We think that, in view of their opportunities and their degree of development, the Members of the United Nations have a leading role to play in recommending effective
solutions which will enable mankind to restore abetter equilibrium. We are glad to note that as well as the small nations, great Powers also respect the United Nations and are endeavouring to seek with us the means of diminishing international tension so as to bring about what we all wish: world co-operation. For this to be possible, the authority of the United Nations must be genuine. The Organization must not be paralysed at the executive level, as it is at present at the stage of decision, by the veto. To have three Secretaries-General, each chosen on the basis of ideological criteria and each armed with a veto, would certainly be the best way of bringing the cold war Into our Organization. We think that the Secretary- General should be above particular blocs and that the general staff of assistants he needs to help him in his task should not represent ideological blocs but large geographical areas. On that point Article 100 of the Charter is most explicit: the administration of the United Nations must be international and not inter-governmental.
136. In a speech on 17 August 1961, the anniversary of our independence, President Leon Mba, President of the Republic of Gabon, strongly emphasized that the economic and cultural development of the new nations could not proceed in a world rent by strife and turmoil.
137. In order fully to achieve our potentialities, we need peace and friendship among the peoples. This is the conclusion which I offer for the consideration of this Assembly so that all together, large and small, transcending Our difficulties, we may be able to achieve peace and thus make a great contribution to the stirring history of the twentieth century.