ADDRESS BY MR. MANUEL PRADO, PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF PERU
1. PRESIDENT PRADO (Peru) (translated from Spanish): My visit to the United States in my capacity as Chief of State, made at the kind invitation of its President, would not be complete if I failed to come to the United Nations to reaffirm Peru's fidelity to the principles by which the Organization is guided and Peru's support of the valiant work it is performing.
2. The consternation produced throughout the world by the tragic death of Mr. Dag Hammarskjold, the Secretary-General, still hangs over the Assembly. This soldier of peace lost his life in the pursuit of the noble mission to which he had devoted himself with such integrity and competence in recent years and his death is an irreparable loss to the world. Let my first words, therefore, be an expression of respectful homage to his memory and of praise for his work and his ideals.
3. My country was one of the first to sign the Atlantic Charter and it helped to influence public opinion in America in favour of the Powers which were fighting to prevent the triumph of the Nazis and their philosophy of life.
4. We warmly welcome the convening of the San Francisco Conference at which the foundations of this Organization were laid. We viewed its establishment as the extension to the whole world of the legal principles and the concept of solidarity which our Republics had joined in fostering since the time of the struggle for independence and which had been reaffirmed by the Pan-American Conferences. Peru contributed to the inclusion in the San Francisco Charter of provisions for the protection of human rights and the principle of self-determination of peoples and to the statement regarding the inviolability and faithful observation of treaties and international obligations in general.
5. Although, in order to save the Organization, we were obliged to accept the so-called rule of unanimity of the great Powers in the Security Council, we did not resign ourselves to the prospect of a powerless Assembly vis-à-vis a paralysed Council, but thereupon proposed that the Assembly should be notified by the Secretariat when the Security Council ceased to be seized of a particular item. This proposal paved the way for General Assembly resolution 377 (V) entitled "Uniting for peace", which was adopted in 1950 and under which the Assembly may be empowered to deal with matters relating to world peace on the vote of a simple majority of the members of the Council or of the Members of the Organization.
6. Peru, as a founder member of the Organization of American States and as a Member of the United Nations, has always demonstrated its determination, which it takes this opportunity of reaffirming, to comply strictly with the provisions of the Charter by which our Organization is governed, as also with all the international obligations imposed upon us by pacts among the American States, the validity of such obligations being conceded in the Charter itself, Article 52 of which provides for recognition of regional arrangements.
7. With justifiable satisfaction I recall that, during the sixteen years the United Nations has been in existence, there has been no action relating to peace, to the halting of aggression and the punishment of the aggressors, to economic development and international co-operation, which has not had the strong support of the Peruvian, delegation.
8. We are now reaching a crucial point in the development of the United Nations. The great strides being made in technical and economic co-operation, in the development of agriculture, in labour and in science, contrast sharply with the retarded pace of progress towards the solution of such vital problems as the threat posed by atomic armaments and the effective implementation of decisions of the Council or, if it fails to take action, of the Assembly.
9. The very survival of the United Nations depends today on our finding the correct approach to these problems and solving them without delay. The attention of the entire world is anxiously focused upon them.
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10. Owing to the circumstances which then prevailed, the delegations assembled at San Francisco were' obliged to consider the position of the great Powers at a time of transition from the old political order to the fully established rule of law. This accounts for the unanimity rule in the Council and many other features of the Charter which give special privileges to the great Powers.
11. But the march of events and the eloquent lessons of the past few years make it plain that this period of transition will not last much longer. Its end is dictated not only by economic inter-dependence but also by the dangers inherent in nuclear weapons. Mankind has before it a dramatic choice between, on the one hand, the dangers and uncertainty inherent in a policy based on the so-called balance of terror, entailing the risk of universal destruction by accident, error or miscalculation and, on the other, the wise and courageous acceptance of a system of international law which would make it impossible for any State, however great its economic or military power, to evade its obligations.
12. In the past, history consisted of a series of wars which, although they involved a number of Powers, were limited both in their scope and in their effects; furthermore, they were separated by long periods of peace. Today, however, war cannot be localized nor can the havoc it creates be limited. Every conflict is fraught with the danger that at any moment wider interests may become involved and the old instinct to dominate may find expression in the unrestricted use of all the weapons of destruction which science has put into the hands of mankind.
13. Today the atomic problem cannot continue to be the subject of interminable debates in which, as a result of the adoption of indefensibly anachronistic positions, the discussion follows a wavering course of advances and retreats and keeps coming back to the original difficulties. Everyone wants these weapons to be outlawed, but outlawed under complete control. Such control should not be limited merely to certifying that certain weapons have been destroyed; it is imperative that it should also include the inspection of the military equipment which remains intact and which constitutes a potential danger. It must be added that a system of control that could be paralysed by the exercise of the veto in the control body would give rise to mistrust and if such a system should unfortunately be adopted, it would inevitably lead to a new conflict and the destruction of life on the planet. Efforts have been made to eliminate this device in the Council; it should not operate in the organization of the Secretariat either, for it would lead to the paralysis of that body, making it totally ineffective. The veto, whether in the Council, the Secretariat or a body concerned with disarmament, could be used by a Power as a means of evading its international obligations.
14. Within the framework of respect for the equality of States and compliance with the principle of united action, there are many ways of ensuring that the resolutions adopted by international bodies are fair and wise, and do not impair the interests and rights of either the great or the small Powers.
15. The experience gained provides a basis for converting the so-called International emergency force into a permanent body so that it can guarantee collective security and thus make its contribution to the general good.
16. A system of this kind, operating on a universal basis, is essential to peaceful coexistence. It implies the application of the principle of self-determination of peoples in all parts of the world, not only in the continents where new States have emerged but also in Europe, implies its democratic implementation by means of periodic free elections guaranteeing the rule of freedom and justice and respect for human rights. In this way more than one of the serious problems now pending, such as that of the unification of Germany, could be solved to the satisfaction of the conscience of mankind.
17. This problem should be settled as a matter of urgency in order to remove from the international scene a continuing source of unrest which affects all countries and which constitutes a flagrant injustice to the German people, who are undeniably entitled to decide their own fate, particularly as the right to reunification was formally proclaimed by the Allies shortly after victory was won.
18. The tragic times in which we live give immediacy to the principles on which this Organization is based, principles which sum up the efforts and achievements of our culture over a period of centuries. I should therefore like to take this opportunity to call for the effective application of these principles in all continents, including, of course, America. It is essential that in all the countries which make up the membership of the United Nations there should be true internal freedom, which does not exist where people are victimized, where blood and tears flow and sorrow afflicts every home. It is essential that peoples should be able to develop their material and spiritual potentialities in a climate of democracy, without oppression or fear, and that the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights should be respected.
19. Today we cannot conceive of peaceful co-existence merely in the negative sense that a state of war has not been declared. We consider that peaceful coexistence is incompatible with psychological warfare, hostile propaganda, support of subversive movements or attempts to foster, directly or indirectly, the difficulties which other peoples may encounter in the process of their development. Coexistence, if it is to be termed peaceful, calls for understanding, sympathy and a mental outlook which finds expression in frank and loyal co-operation of every kind and in the renunciation of all claims to political supremacy. I say this because the concept of the total triumph of one system over another implies domination, which is contrary to the spirit and the letter of the Charter and to the exigencies of the age in which we live.
20. On more than one occasion the Peruvian delegation has drawn attention to the contrast between the industrialized and the non-industrialized States. While the industrialized States enjoy a high level of living, nearly two-thirds of the earth's inhabitants are underfed, deprived by illiteracy of the benefits of culture and a prey to demagogy and false revolutionary ideas. The United Nations has unremittingly urged the great Powers to devote whatever funds they can to the development of the non-industrialized countries. The duty of the privileged nations to assist other countries has been brought into sharp relief by the United Nations and the Organization can serve as the most effective instrument for the fulfilment of that duty. ^
21. While action to help solve the problem of industrial backwardness can be taken within the general framework of the United Nations, the Organization cannot but welcome the efforts which the great Powers have made on their own account to solve the urgent problems inherent in underdevelopment. Thus there is bound to be general satisfaction at the "Alliance for Progress", initiated thanks to the vision of President Kennedy, an alliance which has just been hailed in the Declaration of Punta del Este and through which American solidarity, already based on common principles, is to be given practical effect as a result of the undertaking given by the United States to supply long-term financial aid and the undertaking given by the Latin American countries to carry out with firmness and resolution the economic and social reforms which their circumstances and their development require.
22. During the last two wars Europe was able to rely on the moral support and the resources of the American countries. Now that Europe has been rehabilitated, the Governments of the European countries are co-operating in the solution of the most urgent problems confronted by Hispano-America and other regions as they pursue their development. If economic aid projects and related efforts are to have the desired results, it is imperative that we should enjoy the benefits of order and international tranquillity.
23. One might say that this hope is justified by a tacit plebiscite. I am sure that if a world-wide referendum were held, it would reflect overwhelming support for this aspiration which is cherished by all the peoples of the earth.
24. In conclusion, I should like to pay a tribute to all the members of this Assembly and to the Secretariat for their unwavering efforts to ensure compliance with the provisions of the Charter. I should like, in particular to congratulate the President on his unanimous election, which constitutes recognition of his outstanding qualities as a statesman.
In addressing this august gathering, I am fully aware of the repercussions which my words may have and I pray God that they may prove to be a true contribution to the work which the United Nations is doing to promote justice and peace.