78. Dag Hammarskjold is still among us and will live eternally in the memory of humanity as long as humanity continues to exist and possess moral sensibility. Hammarskjold was fully conscious of the tragedy of our times, of the violence of the conflicts raging around us, of the dark threats overshadowing this planet and also of the dazzling possibilities which might be open to us at the end of the road if we are able to find "the bridge toward a synthesis", as he said on United Nations Day in October last year.
79. At the entrance of the meditation room, in the vestibule of the Assembly Building, appear the illustrious names of those who have died for peace. On the arduous and heroic path of international conciliation, marked with the blood of Folke Bernadotte, many martyrs have laid down their lives, among whom the Secretary-General of the United Nations stands out today as the supreme martyr, the propitiatory victim and tragic example. His name should appear prominently, together with the names of those who died with him, beside the meditation room, as it already stands in the heart of all those who really desire peace and conciliation between human beings.
80. The Government of my country has declared three days of national mourning as a posthumous homage to the martyr of peace. In the name of the Government and people of Honduras I offer to the States Members of the United Nations—and especially to the small Powers, for which this irreparable loss is particularly serious—to Sweden and to the family of the deceased heartfelt condolences on the death of Dag Hammarskjold.
81. My delegation associates itself with the wish expressed by other Powers that an official investigation should be carried out into the strange circumstances which preceded the accident in which the United Nations Secretary-General lost his life.
82. Mr. President, allow me to congratulate you on your unanimous election by the General Assembly to this high position, which reaffirms Africa's new historic role and its place in world history. The admission of Sierra Leone, which we welcome to the United Nations, is a further manifestation of the same fact and brings the number of Member States to one hundred.
83. The sixteenth session of the General Assembly is opening under sombre auspices. Anxiety has increased and hope has diminished since the last session. The world has undergone its most serious crisis and as time goes by the, tragic alternative appears ever more grievous: either the outbreak of a thermonuclear war which will destroy immense historic treasures, countless riches and millions of human lives and imperil the future of the whole human race, or what we might call the outbreak of peace with its innumerable benefits for all.
84. Our era faces great and serious problems whose solutions are far from easy, outstanding among them the necessary disappearance of colonialism in all forms and on all continents; the economic development of technologically backward countries and, first and foremost, the achievement of world peace, which is a necessary prerequisite to the solution of most of the problems of the day.
85. With regard to the question of colonialism, I should like to point out that last year my delegation submitted a draft resolution which was misinterpreted both by the main ideological groups into which the Assembly is divided and by the countries which have recently achieved independence. My proposal provided for the establishment of a five-member committee to visit the colonial possessions which do not as yet enjoy independence and make recommendations to the present session of the General Assembly concerning the most appropriate, rapid and effective way of bringing about the complete abolition of the colonial system all over the world. Some countries considered that my proposal might delay the emancipation of the remaining colonies, whereas in reality it was designed to secure the implementation of the resolution submitted by the African-Asian group, which was adopted.
86. It is natural and a sign of the times in which we live that mistrust should have prevailed; in the certainty that time would lighten the atmosphere and allay suspicion, I did not ask that my draft re solution should be put to the vote at the fifteenth session of the General Assembly but decided to wait until the need was felt for a practical and effective means of putting in practice the resolution of the African-Asian group. When circumstances are more propitious I intend to ask for a vote on the draft resolution submitted by the delegation of Honduras as a reaffirmation of my Government's anti-colonialist principles.
87. The value of my proposal would have been demonstrated in cases of which we are all aware, inasmuch as the United Nations would have had at its disposal information which would facilitate the peaceful transformation of the existing colonies into independent sovereign States without their passing through the furnace of war or revolution.
88. In fact, we have been unable to develop effective methods to ensure that the necessary change should be a peaceful process. That fact is proved by the events in the Congo, Algeria, Angola and other places.
89. With regard to the economic development of the technologically backward countries, I should like to stress the radical reorientation of the policy of the great Powers which has occurred in our century. For the first time in history it is realized that the function of the strong is not to exploit the weak but to help them to become stronger and to make progress, since that is in the general interest. There is no doubt that substantial vestiges of the past remain and that to the east and to the west, to the north and to the south there are strong imperialist interests of every political hue clinging to outdated conceptions which are largely responsible for the present tension. Nevertheless, it is also true that the more highly industrialized Powers are beginning to be aware of their obligations towards the world as a whole. Proof of that is the technical assistance given through the United Nations and the direct aid—not always disinterested—being granted by the great Powers, however different their ideologies.
90. In this connexion we must draw attention to the programme of the Alliance for Progress in the American continent, which we welcome hopefully as a manifestation of this new spirit. '
91. Going more deeply into the analysis of the problem, we are faced with one of the basic questions of our time: what is really the ultimate objective of this assistance? What we might call the old imperialist school—of white imperialism and red imperialism- sought to use assistance as a bait to attract the uncommitted countries and later to absorb them economically and politically, transforming them into satellites. What we may call the new school of the second half of the twentieth century endeavours to promote the economic progress of the under-developed countries so as to give them a decent life, avoid the international friction resulting from economic inequality, increase the total wealth of the world and, in the last analysis, create a rich, stable and pacific world. The former thesis is that of selfish, grasping old-type nationalism based on the brute force of arms. The latter thesis is that of the integration of nationalism and internationalism, based on the supreme interests of mankind and the rule of law.
92. This brings us logically to the very serious political problem of Berlin. If the law were to be fully applied, if the United Nations Charter were respected, if Germany could decide freely and democratically and as a whole on the problem of Berlin and the final destiny of that city, if the principle of the self-determination of peoples were put into practice, as promised by the Powers which were victorious in the Second World War, with regard to Germany, there would be no problem. As we all know, however, the political situation is very different and in view of the gravity of the present situation we hope that an honourable solution, as just as possible, may be found without delay in order to avoid the outbreak of an absurd and monstrous conflict which would multiply the present problems and solve none.
93. Berlin, Germany, Laos, Viet-Nam and various other divided countries bring us face to face with the most important question of all those which trouble the world today: the choice between a devastating war and peace.
94. Perhaps it may be said that there is little that the small countries can do, but we believe, as President Frondizi, of the Argentine Republic, said recently, that the peoples of Latin America, although they may not carry much weight in the business of war, count for much in the enterprises of peace. Spanish America and Indian America have a long tradition of international peace which we might describe as truly exemplary. In this respect they have fulfilled the hopes expressed by Volney when he decicated his work The Ruins of Palmyra to the new peoples of the Spanish Indies and to the noble leaders who were guiding them towards freedom, and expressed the desire that the errors an$ misfortunes of the old world would teach wisdom and happiness to the new world.
95. Today the new world consists not only of Latin America but also of Asia and Africa and, in a deeper sense, of the whole planet, which must revise its ancient ideas and methods or be prepared to expire in an inglorious blaze of thermo-nuclear destruction.
96. Last year Dag Hammarskjold said that the time had come to introduce a new theme into the symphony of human life—the theme of reconciliation and of joy in reconciliation. But how can that be achieved in a planet which is more divided with every day that passes? What procedures, what techniques, what paths can we follow to transform the growing opposition into growing agreement, exchange bloody battles for fruitful co-operation and beat swords into ploughshares?
97. As a contemporary Spanish writer has said, for the first time in history peace is essential for the survival of the human race; notwithstanding that fact we continue to use theories and techniques for war and revolution which belong to previous centuries and were based on situation quite different from that of the present day. Undoubtedly, if we do not wish the political systems which are endeavouring to unify the world; from opposite points of view to end by destroying it, we must make a gigantic effort to find new methods and new solutions. But is there any hope of finding new solutions? Is there any hope that man, who has constructed so many wonderful machines for destruction, can also learn to build* machines and institutions for peace? Cannot the ideas of man, who has invented thermo-nuclear weapons, be used to forge an indestructible peace? As we see it, this is the fundamental question of our time, to which a reply must urgently be found.
98. It was modern science, twentieth-century research, the new technology which won the Second World War. It was also modern scientific ideas, the abstract theories of nuclear' physics, information theory, mathematical logic, that created atomic weapons and the means of delivering them. For good or ill we are living in a new age, presided over by science, and this gives us the right to wonder whether we cannot find in this same science, the creator of the dangers that directly threaten us, new methods of establishing peace. If science is one and if humanity too is basically one, might it not be possible, as has been suggested, to find scientific solutions to certain problems which hitherto have been regarded as essentially political? What other solution than a scientific one can there be for the demographic, economic, political and social problems which overwhelm us?
99. Scientists have incurred a great responsibility towards the human race by discovering the secrets of the energy which illuminates the stars, and converting it into a means of destruction. They can only discharge this responsibility by making a decisive contribution to the establishment of peace.
100. Scientists have proved that international collaboration is possible; one example among many was the International Geophysical Year. Barely two weeks ago, notwithstanding the political tensions which rack the world, distinguished Western and Soviet scientists employed in high positions by their respective Governments drew up plans for working together in various scientific undertakings.
101. With increasing frequency diplomats and statesmen have recourse to scientific advisers to analyse each other's positions, motives and interests and find practical means of action. It is already recognized that the dissemination of objective, scientific knowledge of possible solutions is necessary if disarmament and inspection are to be effective. This, however, is only the beginning of a long road the end of which is the intervention of science hi the final settlement of human disputes.
102. Undoubtedly it is because of this fact that the new United States Administration has decided to set up a disarmament agency whose ultimate objective was stated by President Kennedy [1013th meeting] to be that men should be able to live in a world free from war and from the dangers and burdens presented by armaments, renewing hope that we may work together for progress in the critical battle which is being waged for the survival of the human
race.
103. The delegation of Honduras, encouraged by these favourable signs which cast' a faint ray of light in a world darkened by fear, will in due course submit a draft resolution Which it hopes a number of other delegations will join it in sponsoring, inviting States Members of the United Nations to establish ministerial departments and bureaux for peace and disarmament which will contribute, from various points of view, to the study of the possibilities and means of solving the present conflicts and preventing future ones, with the assistance of those non-governmental organizations which are particularly concerned and which wish to contribute to this formidable task.
104. The delegation of Honduras accepts the idea that the time has come to make a vigorous and coordinated effort in the public and private, national and international spheres, in favour of peace by means of strict and effective investigation, using modern science and technology for constructive purposes and gradually dissociating them from work designed for destruction. It is simply a matter of making use of
the immense intellectual and material resources which are available to modern man in the task of building peace instead of letting them be consumed in the holocaust of thermo-nuclear war.
105. We sincerely believe that this is the only method and the only possibility today of achieving the triumph of an integral democracy which will be the happy culmination of the history of mankind—political and economic democracy uniting social justice and freedom in a harmonious synthesis in a world at peace.