As some eminent speakers have already said at this rostrum, our sixteenth , session has opened on a note of meditation. We are mourning Mr. Hammarskjold, the Secretary-General. His sudden and unexpected death has been deeply felt in Africa, to which for the past year or more he had devoted all his efforts. I take the liberty of associating myself with all those who have sung his praises here and of paying a tribute to the man who died serving the noblest of causes and whose memory will remain forever engraved on our minds and on our hearts.
4. My country, through Mr. Hamani Diori, President of the Republic of Niger, has sent the following message to all his friends, among whom we are proud to count ourselves, to his family and to Sweden, his- country, which has offered two martyrs to peace, one after the other:
"The Government and the people of Niger are shocked at the death of Mr. Hammarskjold. I express my sincere condolences and those of the members of the Government who mourn with me the grievous loss of this man who had devoted his life to the cause of peace and who has come to a tragic end in the service of peace and human brotherhood." [A/4894.]
5. Africa is the heir to his thoughts and his desires. Indeed, it is an African who is presiding over the General Assembly. It is hardly necessary for me to congratulate Mr. Mongi Slim, the President, on his election, for this has been done fully by the representatives of other countries, outside Africa, who have drawn attention to his personal and human qualities, his wisdom, his sound judgement in all matters, his spirit of fair play and the esteem in which his country is held throughout the world. This is borne out by his unanimous election as President and by the good will with which the Indonesian candidate withdrew. We are convinced that with him as President of the General Assembly Africa will write a constructive page in the annals of peace.
6. It is a particular pleasure for me to stress the joy of my delegation at seeing the membership of the United Nations at the opening of the sixteenth session of the General Assembly increased by yet another African State..
7. It was by acclamation that Sierra Leone, a new African State, was admitted to membership in the United Nations and, having accepted the obligations contained in the United Nations Charter, it has now taken its seat among us. Niger extends its fraternal congratulations to Sierra Leone and knows full well that this country, which belongs to the Monrovia group, will make a constructive contribution to the development of Africa.
8. Our only regret is that at the sixteenth session the doors of the United Nations have not been thrown wide open to other deserving independent countries, as was the case at the fifteenth session. We hope that the sixteenth session will follow the example of the fifteenth and that before long other States from Africa and elsewhere will join us in this Assembly and play their part in building the world of tomorrow.
9. Mauritania has been waiting at the gates of the United Nations for the past year. Over twenty African States are pressing for its admission. We think that
the States that are blocking its admission will realize that they are making a grave mistake and that all Africa will be unable to forgive them if Mauritania fails to be admitted to membership of the United Nations this year.
10. At the last session of the General Assembly we adjourned without having had time to consider agenda item 88, entitled: "Africa: a United Nations Programme for Independence and Development". The African and Malagasy States know that for them there can be no genuine independence unless their economies are strengthened. Consequently we particularly welcome the fact that assistance to Africa is to be discussed this year in three General Assembly Committees.
11. This is a crucial issue for us and I should like to mention some of its aspects which apply more specifically to the States members of the African and Malagasy Union to which my country belongs. The concept of aid to Africa is of great complexity, for it embraces every aspect of economic and social development in our vast continent and it may be said that no formula transplanted from another part of the world is likely to afford a solution.
12. Apart from the problem of finding outside sources of finance, the need for which is too obvious to call for comment, the development of any country presents, I think, three essential features.
13. In the first place there is the problem of adapting traditional social structures to economic development. It is important that African society should not be outstripped by economic progress but should keep pace with it since, in the last analysis, it is the human being whose welfare is at stake, it is the African whom we wish to endow with a new dignity, for the achievement of which we rely, at least partly, on modern techniques and powerful economic means. With this in mind we welcome the forthcoming discussion on African educational development.
14. The second feature of this development to which I attach very great importance is that of the organization of world markets for tropical commodities. Indeed, if we Africans are rather too dependent upon international aid, is not the reason to be found partly in the difficulties we experience in finding adequate and stable outlets for our products?
15. Far from being poor, Africa is a reservoir of raw materials for the whole world. As yet it has only a limited number of commodities, but those commodities play a crucial role in the balance of trade of our States. It is the duty of the nations which are ahead of us in economic development to join us in organizing markets for tropical commodities, in particular by creating the conditions necessary for the stabilization of prices.
16. This question must therefore remain a matter of primary concern to the United Nations. We arc glad to note that it has been placed on the agenda of this session.
17. The third feature of African development is that of the co-ordination of sources of assistance and regional co-operation.
18. The situation of the States members of the African and Malagasy Union is characterized by the fact that, by reason of their geographical position, they belong to a zone of economic solidarity. Consequently, they have access to several sources of mutual assistance:
(a) Bilateral aid, mostly from French sources;
(b) Multilateral aid provided by investment capital from the European Economic Community;
(c) United Nations aid, a, source of assistance in which we all place great hopes.
19. The first problem which the planning organs in each of the States concerned must try to solve is the co-ordination of these different sources of technical assistance.
20. Moreover, it is clear to any realistic mind that rational development, in Africa or elsewhere, cannot be properly conceived except at a given regional level and, first and foremost, with economic co-operation and political solidarity among the States concerned. This raises the question of the establishment of common institutions which are both economic and political in nature.
21. To settle this question, the States forming the Brazzaville group, which a bare six months ago laid the foundations for the African and Malagasy Organization for Economic Co-operation, adopted on 12 September 1961 the Charter of the African and Malagasy Union, which will henceforth unite the twelve States of the Brazzaville group in a political institution. May I be allowed, as the representative of one of the States members of this Union, to give some particulars of the decisions which were taken recently by our Heads of State.
22. To begin with, this is what they decided with regard to the institutions of the African and Malagasy Organization of Economic Co-operation.
23. The headquarters of the Organization has been established at Yaounde; Mr. Razafimbahiny has been appointed its Secretary-General. Thus the African and Malagasy Organization of Economic Co-operation is now ready to function effectively.
24. The following four technical committees have been set up within the Organization.
25. A committee for economic and social development, which will be responsible, in particular, for co-ordinating the development plans of the States concerned and their investment schemes, for obtaining external financial assistance and for exploring the possibility of establishing an African and Malagasy development bank.
26. A committee on foreign trade, which will be responsible, among other things, for bringing the various legislations and customs and tax regulations into line, for exploring the possibilities of instituting an African and Malagasy free-trade area, for expanding the existing customs unions and the scope of their co-operation and for proposing ways of co-ordinating trade.
27. A committee for the study of monetary problems, responsible for studying the functioning of banks of. issue and central banks (and in particular the speedy Africanization of such organs) and the problem of foreign payments.
28. A committee for scientific and technical research, to study, in particular,, a plan for the establishment of institutes for scientific research, study centres, training etc.
29. Each of these committees is empowered to adopt resolutions which come into force when they have been approved by the Council of the African and Malagasy Organization of Economic Co-operation, the supreme executive body of the Organization.
30. The institution has thus been given the means which it lacked hitherto for bringing about effective co-operation among its twelve member States. The figure twelve, moreover, is not restrictive, since under article 2 of its Charter the Organization is open to any African State which adheres, to its principles.
31. I feel it necessary at this point to recall that in May 1961 the representatives of some twenty African States, meeting at Monrovia,^ arranged for a study to be made of the means of consolidating the accord they had reached and their political, economic, cultural, scientific and technical co-operation. They agreed in principle on an Inter-African and Malagasy consultative organization. A group of experts met at Dakar-2/ in July 1961 to draw up conclusions for consideration at a later meeting. The experts advocated, in particular, the creation of an African and Malagasy common market, which would include an investment and guarantee fund which could serve as an agent between the States and the international credit organizations called upon to provide financing for major projects of a national or international character.
32. I have dwelt at some length on the economic provisions which the States members of the African and Malagasy Union have adopted, in harmony with the spirit with which the Monrovia group is imbued, because I wanted to give a clear picture of the efforts we have made to strengthen the deep solidarity of the African and Malagasy States and their desire for close co-operation in order to enable them to raise the level of living of their peoples more rapidly.
33. I need scarcely point out that a small country like Niger cannot hope to improve its lot solely by its own efforts. My country is of course ready to make all the necessary sacrifices at the domestic level in order to increase its savings and investments; it has naturally fixed an optimum degree of self-propelled growth as the objective of its development plan. But its very size places a limitation on what it can accomplish through its own means. My country, therefore, attaches importance above all to the efforts towards inter-African and international co-operation at the economic level.
34. Among these efforts, those made by the United Nations, I repeat, occupy a special place, less because of their present dimensions than because of the hopes which they have always aroused among the African peoples.
35. President Kennedy spoke, in this very hall, of a "United Nations Decade of Development" [see 1013th meeting, para. 73]. To what extent are these mere words and to what extent will they lead to concrete action? Our under-developed peoples will reserve judgement until they see the results. It must be admitted that so far we have mainly had to accept bilateral assistance and that all Powers have not shown themselves to be equally generous in their desire to
U Conference of Heads of African and Malagasy States; held from 8 to 12 May 1961.
1/ Conference of experts of the African and Malagasy States, held from" 10 to 17 July 1961.
help us. Nevertheless, I have the feeling that our Organization has by no means made use of all its possibilities for action.
36. We are not among those who seek, but among those who act. While we support economic co-operation within the United Nations, we must admit that the progress it makes—which incidentally is too slow- depends more on the will of the great Powers than on our own. Nevertheless, we believe that in the field of regional co-operation much depends on our own efforts. That is why my country is in favour of any concrete action which is calculated to develop cooperation among the African States. My country is determined to play its part both in the Economic Commission for Africa and among the members of the African and Malagasy Organization for Economic Co-operation.
37. My delegation hopes that in the debate on the economic development of Africa all the African States will make an objective appraisal of the present efforts and of the practical possibilities for action and that in the future the United Nations will bear in mind the co-operative efforts made by the African and Malagasy States.
38. I should now like to refer to the international problems which are of particular concern to my country. First, however, I shall venture to say a few words concerning the decisions with regard to foreign policy which the twelve States of the Brazzaville Group took at the Tananarive Conference.
39. As I said just now, these decisions were the culmination of a development which has brought us, without the surrender of any part of our sovereignty, into increasingly close co-operation, first in the economic field and then within the larger perspective of the execution of a common foreign policy.
40. It was for this purpose that the African and Malagasy Union, whose charter has just been adopted by our Heads of State, was set up. What is the goal of this organization? I can best reply by quoting article 2 of this charter:
"The African and Malagasy Union is based on the solidarity uniting its members. Its purpose is to establish co-operation among its members in all fields of foreign policy, in order to strengthen their solidarity, to ensure their collective security, to assist in their development and to preserve peace in Africa, in Madagascar and in the world."
41. I should add that under the terms of article 1 of its charter the African and Malagasy Union "is a union of independent and sovereign States, open to any independent African State" and that consequently it is not limited to the twelve founder States.
42. I should like, in this connexion, to quote the statement issued by the twelve African and Malagasy States at the conclusion of the Tananarive Conference:
"The African and Malagasy Union- is merely a part of the larger grouping of African States, known as the Monrovia Group. Both the former and the latter, though based on African solidarity, have no purpose other than to make their contribution to the development of the international community through the elimination of war and the establishment of world co-operation.
1/ Conference of the African and Malagasy Union,, held from 6 to 12 September 1961. .
n ... In other words, they intend to work to build the Earth in the spirit of the United Nations. Their method is that of discussion, i.e. negotiation, an outgrowth of the original African palaver. They do not believe that truth is the preserve of any one nation, race, continent, ideology or, in a word, of any one bloc: they are convinced that truth emerges from the confrontation of theories and interests which at first glance appear to be opposed."
43. Under the terms of article 4 of its charter, the S general policy of the African and Malagasy Union is
determined at the Conference of Heads of States or of Governments who meet in regular session twice a year and in special session at the request of the majority.
44. Decisions are taken by a simple majority; discipline is enforced in nil problems of decolonization. In order -that the decisions taken may be put into effect, the African and Malagasy Union has an administrative General-Secretariat with its headquarters at Cotonou. Lastly, with a view to coordinating the policies of the member States of the Union at New York, it has been decided to establish a group of the African and Malagasy Union at the United Nations.
45. I do not think that this outline of the provisions of our charter requires any commentary. Their moderate terms amply express the firm determination of our leaders to set up common institutions designed to provide the twelve States members of the Union with the means of acting effectively in the international field.
46. I should like, in the light of the final declaration adopted by the twelve members of the African and Malagasy Union at the conclusion of the Conference of Tananarive, to give you our views on the main international problems which are at present engaging the attention of African leaders.
47. I need hardly say, at the outset, that we approach these problems in a spirit of strict neutrality, that is to say without any allegiance to any other countries whatever. Of course, as I have already said, our geographical position compels us to establish economic links with our European neighbours, especially in view of the complementary character of our economies and the interdependence of the major currents of the modern world. It must be understood, however, that when we have signed agreements with other States and when in the future we conclude treaties with inter-governmental bodies we have done and shall do so in absolute freedom and independence and such instruments may in any case be amended or annulled if circumstances should so require.
48. In our view, the policy of non-alignment should consist in a genuine neutrality and it seems to us that very often what one finds in Africa under the guise of "neutralism" is in fact simply a concealed allegiance to one of the two blocs I This genuine neutrality which today dictates the attitude of the members of the African and Malagasy Union and that of the Monrovia Group will one day, we hope, be that of the whole of Africa. It makes us the determined champions of general disarmament. The young African States want to devote all their energies and all their resources to building up peace, not war. They cannot, therefore, allow certain countries to treat disarmament as a source of easy propaganda, where radical and demagogic formulas are just a pretext
for delaying the adoption of real and progressive measures. We believe in particular that it is. absolutely necessary to institute rigorous control and inspection, and at the same time to take every possible step for the gradual reduction of existing armaments,
49. The most effective control, it seems to us, would be that provided by an international body, since that fact would destroy in advance the arguments of those who would like to represent such control as a form of espionage. It would seem essential to couple this control with the establishment of a body responsible for maintaining peace and security in the world as the various stages of disarmament take place. But the first stage would certainly be one culminating in the halting of nuclear tests once and for all for their continuation on a large scale would probably mean the contamination of the entire human race. We should solemnly denounce here all those who have deliberately, in contempt of human life, resumed thermo-nuclear tests and thus contributed to the intensification of the cold war.
50. One of the most acute symptoms of this cold war is the open controversy at present taking place on the subject of Berlin. We consider that this problem, with reference both to Berlin and to Germany, as a whole, should be solved on the basis of self-determination. But the division of Germany exists: it is a fact which we must accept for the moment, in the hope that the international situation will be such as to make it possible very soon for the whole German people to decide upon their own future, i.e., to reunite if they so desire. It seems to us that this principle, upon which our own entire development has been based and which has enabled African States to acquire international sovereignty, ought not to be the prerogative solely of peoples who were formerly under colonial rule but should serve the interests of all those who are in a state of dependence of any kind whatever. Such a limitation, which has recently been espoused by certain people, would surely be likely to bring about a marked reduction in the scope of the principle of self-determination, whose* universality is enshrined in the United Nations Charter and which clearly reflects the eternal right of peoples to decide how they should live.
51. Moreover, it is this principle which will, we hope, lead to the solution of another problem very close to our hearts: I mean that of Algeria.
52. We are all confident that the Algerian people will attain independence—and we are anxious to help them achieve that end—and that this new step towards the emancipation of the African continent will be made soon. I should like, however, to state once again that in my view bilateral negotiations alone are likely to have a successful outcome and to bring about a lasting peace. My delegation repeatedly declared, during the Bizerta affair, that the only possibility for a settlement of the Franco-Tunisian dispute lay in direct negotiations between the two parties. Subsequent events have proved us right. We shall be even more satisfied when this dispute is completely settled. It is our hope that these two countries, for both of which we have feelings of friendship, may very soon enjoy once again the atmosphere of cooperation which united them before this unfortunate incident.
53. With regard to Algeria we can only beseech the French Government and the Provisional Government of the Republic of Algeria to resume negotiations
once again in the hope of achieving, after years of strife, a lasting and fruitful peace. We should like, in this respect, to make reference to the positions taken by General de Gaulle for they represent real progress towards the complete decolonization of the Maghreb, and we are sure that the Provisional Government of the Republic of Algeria will follow his example , o that peace may very quickly be restored in Africa.
54. There are many other hotbeds of discord in the world. I am thinking in particular of the conflict of rival factions which has been going on in the Congo (Leopoldville) for more than a year.
55. We have always maintained that national unity could and should be based upon the central authority. We have also constantly upheld the principle of a reform of the "Loi fondamentale"—which is in no way sacrosanct—by the Congolese themselves in order to bring about a solution through unification, but always employing the methods of peaceful negotiation. We Africans are well aware that up to now trials of strength have never brought any solution to the world's problems.
56. More serious still than the events in the Congo are those which are now steeping Angola in blood. The arguments advanced by the representatives of Portugal from this very rostrum to justify the maintenance by force of their domination over this Territory seem to us to have little foundation; they will not stand up to criticism; they are very often ridiculous. How, for example, can it be argued that Angola is a Portuguese province, when its inhabitants have never had representative institutions and have never participated, by means of universal suffrage, in electoral consultations of any kind? We maintain that Angola, like the other African countries, is entitled to self- determination. We make a solemn appeal to Portugal to end the senseless genocide it has been conducting against the Angolan people. The .desire of the Lisbon Government to perpetuate the colonial system is equally apparent in its other African colonies, particularly in so-called Portuguese Guinea, where nationalists are hunted down and imprisoned if they do not succeed in escaping to neighbouring African States. My country, in common with all the African States, strongly condemns this obsolete colonialism, whose incalculable consequences Portugal fails, to appreciate.
57. The question of apartheid in South Africa is, in our eyes, an open wound in the side of Africa which must be healed as soon as possible. Flouting universal morality and the resolutions of the General Assembly, and disregarding the indignant protests of the international community, the South African Government obstinately continues to apply a policy based on a racialist ideology. Everywhere and at all times we denounce any discriminatory practice of any kind whatever, as well as those who resort to such practices. It is in this spirit that we address a solemn and final warning to the Republic of South Africa, for if it continues to apply its shameful policy it will be personally responsible for any measures we may later adopt with regard to it.
58. Before referring to the last problem of decolonization, I should like to mention the dispute between the Arab States and Israel. Again and again, at this rostrum, the hope has been expressed that the unfortunate conflict ravaging the Middle East might be brought to an end. There again, we feel that it is through direct and frank negotiations between the Arab States and Israel that a real and peaceful solution can be found. Africa is particularly interested in the maintenance of peace in this region, for any local conflict is in danger of becoming a world conflagration.
59. The last problem of decolonization, a more modest one, which is also of concern to the African States, is that of Western New Guinea. In our view, the people of New Guinea have the right, like all the African peoples, to self-determination. As our Heads of State declared at Tananarive in September 1961,4/ this right ought to be applied without any consideration of race, locality or history. That |is why we endorse the plan announced to the General Assembly [1016th meeting] by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands, the object of which is to place the administration and development of the Territory under the control of the United Nations, so that the population may be enabled to prepare for self- determination The Netherlands, however, should voluntarily increase its efforts, for it has left a great gap to be filled in New Guinea.
60. In general, our position in the matter of decolonization is that all countries under foreign domination should, through a process of self-determination, acquire full and complete independence within the shortest possible space of time.
61. I should like now to broach the problem caused by the tragic death of Mr. Dag Hammarskjold—that of his replacement. This is a question which causes us great distress, for to us Africans, Dag Hammarskjold was the symbol of the help and protection that all the small countries expect from the United Nations. His replacement is of particular importance to us. There is no doubt, moreover, that the absence of the Secretary-General dangerously paralyses the life and work of the United Nations at a time when it is faced with problems of exceptional gravity.
62. A campaign has been under way for some time to transform the Secretariat into a three-headed body. We can in no way give our support to this attempt because it would inevitably place the United Nations before the dangerous alternative of serving the interests of those who advocate such a formula or being paralysed in action by a veto. The Secretary- General's office would thus, in violation of the principles of the Charter, become an organ divided against itself and powerless to rise above the antagonisms of the cold war.
63. We should therefore like there to be appointed, at the, earliest possible date, a person capable of acting in the best interests of our Organization and of discharging the functions of Acting Secretary-General with the requisite efficiency. Africa has too much to gain from the United Nations for it to tolerate any impairment of its prestige and authority.
64. Lastly, in order to carry out the wishes expressed by Mr. Dag Hammarskjold before his death, we should like the Acting Secretary-General' thus chosen to be assisted in his heavy responsibilities by Deputy Secretaries-General chosen in such a manner as to give a fair geographical representation of the world.
4j Conference of the African and Malagasy Union, 6 to 12 September 1961.
I should like to conclude this statement, which has already taken up too much of the Assembly's time, on a note of hope: the hope that friendship and co-operation between all peoples will in the end triumph over mistrust and hatred. Adaptability, respect for the sovereignty of every country, sincere co-operation, friendship towards all the world—these, as Mr. Hamani Diori, President of the Republic of Niger, said recently, are the essential conditions for Africa's development. We have tried and we are trying with all our strength, among the States of the African and Malagasy Union, to translate into facts an international policy which, according to our joint declaration of 12 September 1961, is directed towards the service of truth through peaceful debate in order to build a more humane world.