): Today it is with a heavy heart that.. I come to address the General Assembly in which I have had the honour and the privilege to represent my country for over a decade. The tragic loss of the Secretary-General; Dag Hammarskjold, is indeed a great misfortune for the Organization. For those who had the privilege to know him closely it has also been the sad bereavement of a personal friend.
124. The sixteenth session of the General Assembly, which was inaugurated under such sad circumstances, may be decisive in determining the extent to which the United Nations will be in the position, during the coming years, to fulfil the hopes and aspirations which the peoples of the world have placed in the Organization as well as in the principles and purposes set forth in its Charter. The Turkish people and the Turkish Government fully endorse these principles. We see in the United Nations the only hope of progress towards a world in which mutual understanding will reign instead of bitter division, and lasting peace will replace the constant threat of war.
125. We believe in a strong United Nations. The security of the smaller countries which form the majority of the Organization, the solution of the numerous problems which the world faces today, the gradual evolution of human society from its present dissensions to a more harmonious future demand a world Organization capable of acting with determination and efficiency.
126. According to the Charter, the office of Secretary- General constitutes one of the main organs of the United Nations. In a way, it represents our executive, entrusted with the task of implementing objectively and unconditionally the collective will of the Organization. Article 100 mentions the exclusively international character of the responsibilities of the Secretary-General and further states that:
"...the Secretary-General and the staff shall not seek or receive instructions from any government or from any other authority external to the Organization. They shall refrain from any action which might reflect on their position as international officials responsible only to the Organization."
127. These provisions are clearly opposed to any form of political or ideological approach in seeking to develop the office of Secretary-General. On this point my Government fully endorses the ideas so eloquently set forth by our late Secretary-General in the Introduction [A/4800/Add.l] to his annual report on the work of the Organization. We fully share his views concerning a dynamic United Nations aiming to bring about closer harmony and understanding among the various political divisions which are manifested in the course of its activities. We cannot be a party to any scheme which would emphasize and eternalise political division. What is more, we cannot place our faith in a United Nations having a paralysed executive.
128. The United Nations is an international body, where debate and discussion must take place in order to reach an agreement. The raison d'etre for the General Assembly, the Councils and the various Committees is indeed to render possible such an exchange of views, so that we may arrive at a decision. However, once such a decision has been reached, we must admit the renewal of discussion or a veto in any form in the phase of implementation. Our peoples have placed their faith in the United Nations, basing their trust on the minimum of effectiveness provided in the Charter. We would be betraying this faith were we to compromise in any manner this effectiveness. For this reason, my Government stands for one Secretary-General, who must be capable of fulfilling th3 mandates of his high office with objectivity, integrity and determination.
129. In these inaugural days of the sixteenth session of the General Assembly, the world is unfortunately once again confronted with a serious deterioration in the political atmosphere. An uncertainty, full of anguish, has come to dominate international relations. Atomic tests, from which we had been spared during the last three years, have been resumed. In these circumstances, although sixteen years have elapsed since the end of the Second World War, armies are reinforced instead of being disbanded. This is tragic. It is particularly tragic because, by signing the United Nations Charter, the nations of the world have set forth all the basic principles whose strict observance would suffice to eliminate a new crisis. The very preamble of our Charter proclaims respect for the obligations arising from the treaties and other sources of international law. Article 2 requires the development of friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples. The very spirit of the Charter is based on mutual understanding and respect for the rights and obligations of others as well as on the strict observance of one's own commitments. It bans unilateral action. It is against transgression on the rights of others.
130.. The Charter of the United Nations and the implementation of the principles set forth in it ever since the foundation of this Organization are contradicted by the very existence of the so-called Berlin question. It is our ardent hops that the present tensions will be eliminated and that the peoples of the world will be relieved from their anxiety by compliance with these basic principles. All the nations of the world are entitled to expect from those directly concerned that they should do their utmost, to spare humanity the agony of a tragedy which can and should be avoided.
131. While keeping our eyes on the major issues which have heightened political tension today, we cannot overlook certain attitudes which even if minor and local in scope and character, still serve as sources of friction and impede the establishment of good- neighbourly relations. We have heard from this rostrum complaints of direct interference in the internal affairs of other States and of subversive propaganda being carried out in the general direction of the Middle East on an unprecedented scale. The least that can be said about such activities, which are contrary to the Charter and to international law, is that they breed mistrust and lack of confidence, thus hindering good- neighbourly relations.
132. The constant growth in the membership of the United Nations is a continual reminder of the fact that the movement for freedom and self-determination constitutes the most characteristic trend of our period. Today there are one hundred independent countries represented in our Organization. We have the happy prospect of welcoming other new countries in the near future.
133. The United Nations hp e made constructive contributions in elucidating the guiding principles of this
great movement of our times. Last year the General Assembly adopted, by ninety votes to none, with nine abstentions, the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)] of which my delegation had the honour to be among the original sponsors. That Declaration is centred around such high aspirations as Freedom, self-determination, independence and territorial integrity. These are ideals which are highly valued by the people of my country, and my delegation will therefore continue to co-operate in all constructive efforts for the maintenance and realization of those ideals.
134. Looking over the agenda of this session, we see that once again the problem of disarmament, which figures directly or indirectly in six agenda items, it the most crucial task entrusted to the Organization. In a period when the moratorium on atomic tests has been broken and when the political situation has been perturbed by increased tensions and anxieties, this problem assumes an even greater significance, For the problem of disarmament cannot be separated from the question of international security. Nor can it be solved without taking into consideration the element of mutual confidence. Up to the present time, a realistic approach to the solution of this problem has been impeded by too great an emphasis on the procedural and organizational aspects of the question. A renewal of efforts by all of us to approach this vital problem with sincerity , determination and realism is long overdue. It is regrettable that after so many years we should still be debating the composition of the committee which will examine this problem in the first instance, and that there should still be confusion as to the exact meaning of the terminology used in describing our goals.
135. As far as my Government is concerned, we stand for a disarmament programme which will be comprehensive and realistic. By "programme" we mean that disarmament must be implemented through various pre-determined phases. By "comprehensive" we mean that the programme should contain provisions regarding all types of weapons and personnel. And by "realistic" we mean that all the phases of such a programme should be devised in a manner which will reassure the signatories that the implementation of the programme will not confer any advantage on one party to the detriment of another. The only hope of rendering such a programme acceptable to all concerned lies in prescribing effective international control for the implementation of every phase.
136. Progress in the field of disarmament is of such vital importance for the destiny of mankind that all Members of the United Nations bear a heavy responsibility to do their utmost to achieve at least the first encouraging results.
137. Among the major political problems assigned to the First Committee is the "Question of Algeria". In recent months we have been heartened by happy developments towards an ultimate solution of that problem. For seven long years that unhappy land has been the scene of bloodshed and human suffering. My . countrymen are imbued with Maternal sentiments for the gallant people of Algeria and nurture sympathy for their legitimate aspirations. On the other hand, my country is also an ally of France, with which we have maintained friendly relations over a period of many centuries decent events and official declarations have inspired us with hope for, and confidence
in an early and peaceful solution of this problem in conformity with the legitimate aspirations of the Algerian people. The Flinch Government has accepted a solution through negotiation on the basis of self- determination and independence for Algeria, a solution which at the same time would recognize Algerian sovereignty over the Sahara. Such a solution not only would do justice to the gallant people of Algeria, but at the same time would be in keeping with the best liberal traditions of France, of which it has given so many examples in its glorious history.
138. As a country which is part of the Middle East, Turkey naturally has a keen interest in all the happenings which affect our geographical region. The Arab States certainly occupy a very important position in the Middle East. The sentiments of the Turkish people towards all their Arab neighbours stem from brotherly ties strengthened by common cultural and social bonds.
139. Ever since the end of the Ottoman Empire—to give an exact date, ever since the proclamation of the National Pact by the Turkish Parliament on 28 January 1920—Turkey has proclaimed and defended the right of all our Arab neighbours to decide their own destinies in accordance with their own desires and without outside interference.' Turkey, which is primarily interested in the establishment of peace, stability and progress in the Middle East, is naturally anxious to see a reign of harmony and brotherly co-operation among our Arab neighbours themselves. However, the form in which this harmony and cooperation may find expression is certainly a matter to be decided by our Arab neighbours, according to their own desires.
140. Some years ago Syria, our neighbours to the south, decided to form a union with Egypt. As was natural, we recognized this union born of the free will of the people in the two countries at that time, and our wish was that the new United Arab Republic would inaugurate an era of happiness and prosperity for all its citizens. Last week our Syrian neighbours proclaimed1 their decision to revert to their former
■ status of a separate and independent State. For its part, the Government of the United Arab Republic proclaimed that it would not oppose such a decision by force and would leave it to the Syrian people to decide their future. Our attitude, as was the case before, has again been to recognize the decision of the peoples concerned.
141. Under these circumstances, we find it difficult to understand how this clear position of the Turkish Government, which was based on the attitude of all concerned, could be misinterpreted as though it were against anyone. Turkey has a common frontier of over 4C0 miles with Syria. This frontier contains trade routes, transit connexions, communications and other links of common interest. To give an example, along
' this frontier there are Turks who possess farms on the Syrian side, and Syrians who own land on the Turkish side. By mutual agreement they are allowed to cross over the frontier to earn their daily bread.
142. Under these circumstances, it is only natural that Turkey has found it appropriate to recognize the existing reality as accepted by all concerned, and that we should have done so before some other
countries which are located geographically at a greater
L distance than Turkey.
143. In view of these facts, it is with a sincere sense of regret that we have learned of the decision of the United Arab Republic to sever diplomatic relations with our Government. On our part, we attach particular importance to the maintenance of brotherly relations and friendly co-operation with all the Arab countries. Despite the fact that diplomatic relations may be momentarily broken, the Turkish people will always continue to maintain most sincere feelings of friendship and good will towards the people of the United Arab Republic.
144. As I have already stated, we are desirous of seeing a close and brotherly co-operation among all the Arab peoples as an important prerequisite for peace and stability in our region. But the form in which such co-operation may manifest itself is a matter which can only be decided by the various Arab countries themselves.
145. Whether they may choose to be under one or under various administrations, under one state or separate independent states, all the Arab peoples have much to gain from a close co-operation among themselves. The Government and the people of Turkey ardently hope that brotherly relations will continue to prevail among all our Arab neighbours, as we hope to maintain the same friendly relations with all of them.
146. The importance of the international issues with which we are faced today should not make us overlook the basic problems which affect more directly the life of individual human beings. The struggle against disease, poverty and illiteracy, the struggle for preserving human dignity, must continue to be at the forefront of our preoccupations.
147. During the last decade the source of economic, cultural and social development has opened new avenues for international co-operation. Much has been done in this field by the United Nations, by the specialized agencies and by individual Governments. A great deal remains still to be done.
148. The rapid increase in population, brought about mainly by progress in the medical field, has made it imperative for most Governments to strive for development in an ever-increasing rhythm.
149. My own Government has given top priority in its endeavours to the task of making secure under appropriate guarantees the rights of the Turkish people to advancement in the cultural, economic and social fields.
150. Almost exactly a year ago, when I had the honour to address the General Assembly from this rostrum at the fifteenth session [870th meeting], I stated the determination of the new Turkish administration to prepare a new constitution with the aim of establishing all necessary guarantees for the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the country. I also stated the unfailing resolution of the Turkish reform movement to proceed to free elections in the fall of 1961.
151. I am now happy to state that both of these resolutions have been carried out. The new Constitution of the Turkish Republic was prepared by an eminent, group of personalities competent in the matter and was subsequently approved by the Constituent Assembly. Furthermore, this new Constitution was submitted to the acceptance of the Turkish people through a referendum on 9 July 1961. 'The majority
of the electorate having voted in its favour, the new Constitution is now adopted.
152. As for the elections, of which I had informed the Assembly a year ago, an electoral campaign is in progress in Turkey at this moment among four leading political parties. The Turkish people will cast their votes on 15 October 1961.
153. After that date a freely-elected Government and a freely-elected opposition will take it upon themselves to guide our nation in facing the pending economic, cultural and social problems, and to secure the establishment of the fundamental democratic freedoms.
154. Before I conclude my statement, may I be allowed to express to Mr, Slim the heartiest congratulations of my delegation on his election as President of th6 Assembly. For those of us who have worked in close collaboration with him over a long period of years in the United Nations, and who have had so many occasions to admire his sincere devotion to justice, peace and international understanding, there can be no better guarantee for successful achievements during this session than to know that he will be presiding over our deliberations. May God grant that the sixteenth session of the General Assembly will bring about constructive solutions to many problems of the day under his able guidance',