It gave me great pleasure to see Mr. Imre Hollai
elected President of the thirty-seventh session
of the General Assembly. On behalf of my
Govern¬ment and my people, I convey
congratulations and best wishes also to the great
Hungarian people and the friendly Hungarian
Government, of which he is such a worthy
representative.
113. i should like also tc pay a tribute to
Mr. Ismat Kittani for the skilful and exemplary
manner in which he conducted the affairs of the
thirty-sixth session.
114. The President's inaugural statement was
an eloquent compendium of the events that had
occurred in the year since we met in this Hall at
the beginning of the thirty-sixth session. They
were truly momentous events which cast a heavy
shadow of gloom over the international scene.
They are fraught with grave dangers both for the
issues of war and peace and for the issue of
development.
115. Two years ago, Egypt urged that we pause
for serious reflection. Members will recall that
in our statement at the thirty-fifth session of
the General Assembly we gave the following
warning:
"The recent alarming developments that have
challenged the Charter and the international
order that we have subscribed to... since 1945
have... created a perilous situation of political
upheaval sometimes bordering on chaos...".
And we noted that, in our opinion:
"... the time is ripe to undertake an objective
appraisal of the existing political order and, in
par-ticular, of the role of the existing
international machinery. Accordingly, the
Government of Egypt... [Proposes] the convening
of a special session of the General Assembly to
take up this whole matter."
H6. We raised this matter and submitted it for
the Assembly's consideration at the thirty-fifth
session. If anything, the developments that we
have all witnessed since that time should confirm
the serious¬ness of our proposal. In this
context, I feel it is most appropriate to pay a
special tribute to the Secretary- General, Mr.
Javier Perez de Cuellar. His report on the work
of the Organization has provided a valuable
analysis of the international situation and of
the role of the United Nations in the
international system. I support all the proposals
made in his report.
117. It is high time that we tackle
effectively and with firmness and fairness the
various problems that beset us. Foremost among
those problems are the issues of war and peace.
In the past year alone we have witnessed the
invasion of Lebanon, the destruc¬tion of Beirut,
the Falklands (Malvinas) war, the con-tinuing
Iran-Iraq war, the situation in Afghanistan, the
grave situation in Kampuchea, the precarious
situation in Korea, the impasse in the problem of
Cyprus and grave possibilities in Central
America, Africa and the Middle East.
118. The problems we are facing are not
confined to those political areas; they are
interlocked with economic, social and cultural
problems as well as with human rights issues. A
number of special sessions of the Assembly have
been held to examine various problems and issues,
such as the Palestinian problem, the question of
Namibia, the situation in Afghanistan, the new
international economic order and the problem of
disarmament. But what has been the outcome of
those sessions? The resolutions that were adopted
have not been implemented. They remain dead
letters, thus contributing to the further
weakening of the United Nations and bringing into
sharper focus the paralysis of the international
system. This state of affairs is not consonant
with aspirations to peace, progress and justice.
The present political order, with its principles
and conventions, was established solely in order
to guarantee the attainment and enjoyment of
those goals. The persistence of present
conditions can lead only to a serious
disintegration of the fabric of international
relations.
119. Against the backdrop of these
developments, the Egyptian Government reiterates
its proposal for the convening of a special
session of the General Assembly to assess the
situation and the role of the Organization in
general and so that all Member States can take
part in a detailed discussion of the issue.
Essentially, we urge the General Assembly to
focus on and intensify discussion of the entire
interna¬tional order, the suitability of the
present political system, the role of the United
Nations and, in par¬ticular, the system of
collective security—as the delegation of Sierra
Leone rightly said in connection with the
discussion on the inclusion of that question in
the agenda of the present session.
120. AH these matters are of paramount
importance for all the peoples of the world and
consequently they must be debated by their
representatives on a basis of equality. The
Security Council would then be asked to consider
the situation in the light of the General
Assembly's findings. The system of periodic
meetings provided for in Article 28 of the
Charter would probably constitute an appropriate
starting- point for the fulfillment by the
Council of its responsibilities in this respect.
The Secretary-General has an essential role to
play in this regard, but he has to be provided
with the necessary resources and with the means
to help move the world to a new phase of
constructive action aimed at achieving more
stable conditions.
121. The international economic situation is a
cause for alarm and profound concern because of
adverse economic conditions confronting both
developing and developed nations, with the impact
on the third world even more painful. Third world
countries have fre¬quently asked for a review of
the existing pattern in international economic
relations so that economic life can be based on
justice and partnership. All of us are required
to redouble our efforts and muster the political
will to bring about an economic order that is
both effective and just.
122. Our alarm is due to the absence of any
encour¬aging signs in the international economic
climate and the tendency among some countries to
solve their economic problems in isolation. This
development is likely to increase the existing
discrepancies. Relevant to this issue are the
claims made by some indus-trialized countries
that call into question the efficiency of
economic aid through international organizations.
This is one of the major reasons for the acute
crisis facing UNDP, which is suffering a serious
depletion of financial resources because of the
decrease in the voluntary contributions of the
donor countries, a situa¬tion that has led to a
40 per cent reduction in country programmes for
developing nations. This is bound to have an
adverse effect on the economic and social
development programmes of those countries, not to
mention the negative effects in discrediting the
concept of co-operation and interdependence, the
mainstay of the United Nations.
123. Some of the issues discussed within the
frame¬work of the North-South dialogue have
assumed special significance and urgency; we must
therefore act vigorously in dealing with them and
seeking the necessary solutions. In addition to
those issues is the question of global
negotiations for restructuring the international
economic order. Consultations over those
negotiations have now entered their third year,
but we are still going through a vicious circle
of sug¬gestions and counter-suggestions, a circle
that has not yet been broken.
124. Nevertheless, we are still hopeful that
the parties can find a common ground to permit
the realization of this objective, provided that
the political will emerges among some patties to
forge ahead towards genuine reform of the
international economic order.
125. The Group of 77 has made strenuous
efforts to get the North-South global
negotiations going, and to make the negotiations
comprehensive as well as complementary. This
goal, regrettably, has not been realized because
of the rigid position taken by some
industrialized countries. We see no alternative
to stepped-tup efforts to induce more flexibility
among the industrialized nations in their
attitude towards the problems of the developing
nations. The international community is
increasingly convinced of the need to review and
change the current pattern of international
economic relations and to establish it on a basis
of equity, partnership and international
interdependence.
126. The developing nations have spared no
effort in providing an impetus to economic
co-operation among themselves and in establishing
the principle of individual and collective
self-reliance. The Caracas Programme of Actions
is undoubtedly a positive step towards more
balanced economic relations between North and
South. A general review of the meetings that have
taken place from the time of the Caracas meeting,
in May 1981, to the Manila meeting, in August of
this year, sheds some light on the efforts made
and the genuine desire on the part of the
developing nations, despite their limited
resources, to ensure the success of the Caracas
Programme of Action, and to ensure both sound
implementation and continuing economic
co-operation among themselves.
127. Egypt is very interested in extending its
eco¬nomic relations with developing nations. We
believe in such co-operation, especially
technical co-operation. Technical and expertise
exchange programmes have been instituted,
together with the provision of scholar¬ships and
training for students and trainees from various
developing countries in Asia, Africa and Latin
America.
128. As a non-aligned and non-nuclear country
with a keen interest in international security
and develop¬ment, Egypt has a well-established
position based on full support of and effective
participation in all efforts and measures leading
to general and complete disarma¬ment under
effective international control.
129. The convening of the second special
session of the General Assembly devoted to
disarmament this year was an event of tremendous
significance to which mankind pinned its hopes
for peace. Thus, our disap¬pointment was all the
greater because at that session the Assembly
failed to agree on a comprehensive program for
disarmament within a specific time¬frame,
including specific and effective measures to halt
the arms race, nuclear and conventional. By that
failure an excellent opportunity was missed for
realizing the goal of disarmament and thereby
guaran¬teeing a safe and peaceful world.
130. The failure of that session, however,
should not lead us to give up hope. Armed with a
persistent political will, we the Governments and
peoples should be able to proceed towards
narrowing the gap between the various positions.
And here we would like to under¬line that the
nuclear Powers, especially the superpowers, have
a special responsibility, emanating from their
international obligations to ensure world peace
and security, over and above the collective
responsi¬bility of all States in this regard.
131. Egypt will work tirelessly in
contributing to the achievement of peace all over
the world, and espe-cially in the Middle East. In
that connection, Egypt has launched an initiative
for a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East
and has been pursuing means to implement it for
the last eight years.
132. The declaration of the Middle East as a
nuclear-weapon-free zone would be a major element
in lessening tension and eliminating instability
in the area. Appropriate measures would be needed
to determine the best approach to that goal.
133. Egypt has suggested that the
Secretary-General send a special representative
to meet the parties concerned in the area to
explore their views on means of achieving this
goal. That proposal still constitutes for us an
important step in this direction. The
establish¬ment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in
the Middle East would undoubtedly contribute to
the security of the Mediterranean and would
enhance African security as it relates to the
Declaration on the Denuclearization of Africa and
to the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone
of Peace.
134. More than a year after its accession to
the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons Egypt reaffirms its dedication and
commitment to ensuring international respect for
the objectives of the Treaty, believing that it
can contribute to the search for an effective
system of non-proliferation and to ensuring the
right of all States to the peaceful uses of
nuclear energy. In this connection, we strongly
support the position of the non-aligned countries
in insisting on iron-clad guarantees of the
protection of the security of non-nuclear
countries. In addition, nuclear Powers must give
assurances to those countries that nuclear
weapons will not be used against them. Now that
non-nuclear countries signatories to the Treaty
have fulfilled their obligations, Egypt stresses
the need for nuclear Powers to abide by their
commitments under the Treaty.
135. It is abundantly clear that the
international situation, because of the conflicts
with which it is plagued or because of wars
actually being waged, demonstrates that no
partial approach of dealing with a single problem
in isolation from others—whether it be
disarmament the new economic order or collective
security—will provide an effective remedy for the
problems connected with the international
political system. This leads me to reiterate our
earlier proposal on the convening of a special
session of the General Assembly for the purpose
of a thorough review of the entire international
political system and the role of the United
Nations. This would help us to fulfill our
responsibility to establish an international
political system that is more just and more
secure.
136. As an African country, Egypt is passing
through the game crucial stage as the rest of
Africa. We see attempts to circumvent the United
Nations plan for Namibia, the persistence of
apartheid in South Africa, the grave situation in
the Horn of Africa and disagree¬ment over the
question of Western Sahara. Moreover, the pursuit
of certain reckless policies poses a threat to
the unity of Africa and to the territorial
integrity of its States and the security of its
peoples. We are aware of the predicament with
which the OAU has been faced, ever since the
thirty-eighth session of the Council of
Ministers, which was held in February in Addis
Ababa, in connection with the question of the
membership of Western Sahara. That question has
given rise to disagreement within the ranks of
the OAU, threatening its very survival. However,
impelled by our deep conviction and belief in
African unity and by our interest in the
continuing viability of the OAU, we in Egypt have
adopted a firm position, namely, that
differences, no matter how deep and extensive,
can be solved in a spirit of reconciliation, in
the true African tradition. We in Egypt are
confident of the ability of Africa to exercise
African wisdom and to resolve those differences
that arose last February and interrupted the work
of the OAU at a time when the need for
co-ordinate and collective action though the
African organization was more pressing than ever
before.
137. Foremost among African problems is the
situation in southern Africa, where South Africa
con-tinues to defy the international community by
inten¬sifying its policies of racial
discrimination and apartheid, which have been
condemned by all mankind, irrespective of creed,
ideology or religion. Egypt strongly supports all
international resolutions calling for sanctions
against South Africa until it desists from the
policies that flout the elementary principles of
human rights. Furthermore, Egypt urges all States
to participate effectively in the application of
such sanctions.
138. We condemn the racist policies of South
Africa and its colonialist policy in Namibia.
Although four years have passed since the
adoption of Security Council resolution 435
(1978), which sets forth the United Nations plan
for the peaceful settlement of the matter, the
region has not yet achieved its indepen-dence,
because of the intransigence the colonialist
racist Pretoria regime.
139. We are all only too aware of the lengths
to which SWAPO, the legitimate representative of
the people of Namibia, has gone in its efforts to
adopt a reasonable attitude and to achieve a
peaceful settle-ment of the problem. We are all
familiar with the maneuvers of South Africa
designed to perpetuate its illegal occupation of
Namibia and to set up a quisling regime there.
140. SWAPO and the African States have
expe¬rienced the bitterness of frustration
created by such endless maneuvers. The latest of
those maneuvers occurred only a few weeks ago.
After the Western contact group had sent the
letter concerning the agreement reached on
constitutional principles, the Prime Minister of
South Africa came up with a new stratagem to
obstruct agreement by introducing elements
extraneous to the question of Namibia and also to
the United Nations plan. We call upon the Western
contact group to exercise all types of pressure
on South Africa to induce it to implement the
United Nations plan which it approved in
principle in 1978.
141. In talking about Africa I cannot refrain
from emphasizing one of the most serious problems
in the continent's history, namely, that of
Western Sahara. The resolution adopted at the
eighteenth session of the OAU Assembly of Heads
of State and Government in June 1981 in Nairobi,
" and the decisions adopted in August 1981" and
February 1982 by the OAU Implementation Committee
provide a sound basis for a peaceful settlement
that would ensure stability in the area in
accordance with the right to self-determination.
The subsequent negative develop¬ments in the
attempt to impose new conditions without
consensus have not only complicated the question
of Western Sahara but also threatened political
life in the continent.
142. We appeal to our brother countries
parties to the problem before the OAU to seek a
peaceful approach to conflicts and to avoid
recourse to force. We consider it our duty to
call for adherence to the charter of the OAU,
which forbids intervention in the internal
affairs of member States. We also call upon them
to safeguard their independence, sovereignty and
territorial integrity and the security of their
peoples.
143. While reviewing the situation in Africa I
should like to convey some good news to the
international community about an important event
that will take place in a few days. Egypt and the
Sudan are con-cluding a new charter for
integration, a charter formulating an
organizational and substantive frame¬work and
reflecting the political will of the two
coun¬tries to step up their development through
the imple-mentation of a number of projects in
the economic, social and cultural spheres. The
charter provides for a presidential council for
integration affairs, a "Valley of the Nile"
parliament with about 60 members repre¬senting
the two peoples, a general secretariat to act as
the executive arm in following up integration
projects and a special fund to finance those
projects.
144. The goal of the integration and its
charter is to establish regional co-operation as
a model and a nucleus that could, in the future,
encompass the nine countries of the Nile Basin.
It should be recalled that in 1980 the OAU
Assembly endorsed the Lagos Plan of Action for
the Implementation of the Monrovia Strategy for
the Development of Africa, when they decided that
African regional co-operation constituted an
indispensable basis for social and economic
develop¬ment in Africa. The integration plan
concluded by Egypt and the Sudan is fully in
keeping with the Lagos plan. It is indeed a good
omen, heralding wel¬fare and prosperity for the
peoples of the Nile Valley, north and south alike.
145. As a founding member of the non-aligned
movement, Egypt declares that there is no
alternative to the policy of non-alignment.
Non-alignment is the sole means of safeguarding
the security and the safety of the third world
and of facing the policies of polarization,
blocs, pacts and confrontation. Non- alignment i:
incontestably the only deterrent to policies of
hegemony, expansion and domination. The
non-aligned movement was established in response
to the aspirations of emerging nations which had
barely left behind the struggle for liberation.
The movement also includes peoples and nations
which are still locked in a bitter struggle to
liquidate the remnants of colonialism, overcome
dependence, back-wardness and racism and defend
human rights and dignity.
146. The active and historic role played by the
early pioneers and founders of the movement
deserves a special tribute from all of us. Today
we recall the guidance of great, inspired leaders
such as Tito, Nehru and Abdel Nasser, who charted
for us the lofty goals and noble means for
success. We feel that the values and principles
which they struggled for are in need of further
defense and further sustained efforts if they are
to retain their authenticity, purity and essence.
147. Indeed, much has been achieved. The
movement now has a wider membership, as it
comprises the majority of the States in the
international community. But as opposed to these
achievements, a number of problems have
unfortunately arisen, the most serious of which
are those affecting the ranks of the countries of
the movement.
148. We have faced direct and indirect
intervention in the internal affairs of the
non-aligned countries. We have experienced
military adventures and power politics exercised
directly or by proxy. The movement has been
infiltrated by a tendency to divide the world
into natural allies and natural enemies.
Furthermore, the movement has been arbitrarily
over-categorized and over-stratified, which has
deepened differences and dissension, distracting
the movement and sapping its energy.
149. The challenges facing the movement make
it necessary that all of us who have an interest
in pre-serving its non-aligned character should
try to keep it on course. It gives me great
pleasure to note that within the movement the
situation is far better than it was a few years
ago. This is to the credit of the member States,
which for the most part have reso¬lutely defended
that great body and respected its true principles
in order to put non-alignment back on its
original track in facing the perils of the cold
war between the super-Powers. Experience has
taught us that it is the small and developing
countries that generally and ultimately bear the
brunt and the conse¬quences of that cold war.
150. The basic principle of our great
movement, to which President Hosni Mubarak
reaffirms his commit¬ment, is for us a firm creed
and a constant element of our foreign policy
under the new leadership of Egypt.
151. It would be appropriate to acknowledge
here the efforts that have been made recently to
save the movement from fragmentation owing to the
insistence of some countries on changing the
venue of the Seventh Conference of Heads of State
or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which was
scheduled to be held in Baghdad. We welcome the
constructive attitude of the Iraqi Government in
not insisting on Baghdad as the venue, and also
thank the Government of India for agreeing to
hest the meeting; we urge, so that the
non-aligned countries can pursue the positive
approach they have chosen.
152. Recently the Middle East has been the
theatre of very tragic events, being subjected to
devastating wars and unprecedented waves of
destruction. But despite all the anguish, hopes
of a just settlement that takes into account the
rights of all the parties without exception have
not yet been extinguished. Egypt, which bears a
special responsibility in this area, was in the
forefront of the battlefield when war was the
only means of dealing with the situation.
Similarly, Egypt was in the front line of
negotiators when the time was propitious and the
balance was redressed.
153. Egypt most emphatically cannot afford to
accept a situation in which one party to the
conflict arrogates to itself the role of arbiter,
waging wars; wreaking havoc and committing
aggression. Egypt will never accept Israeli
aggression against Iraq, its annexation of the
Syrian Golan Heights or its occupa¬tion of
Lebanon. Egypt totally rejects Israel's utterly
irresponsible policy of unbridled aggression
against the Palestinian people and the FLO.
154. Israel must understand that Egypt will
never tolerate the mutilation of the Palestinian
question or of the Palestinian people and that
Egypt rejects Israel's crime in Lebanon and
against the Palestinians in all its aspects.
155. If Israel demands respect for its
sovereignty, territorial integrity and security,
this can be achieved only with reciprocity. If
Israel demands respect for its rights and the
rights of its people to life and existence,
Israel must respect the rights of the Palestinian
people to life and existence.
156. There should be no double standards.
Israeli policies should not be based on
considerations of self-arrogated privileges over
other countries and peoples. This should be
unequivocally clear to the leaders of Israel. In
this context, Israel stands fully responsible for
all its actions. Israel, under the provi¬sions of
the Charter, the norms of international law, the
resolutions of the Security Council and the
provi¬sions of the peace accords, is committed to
respect the legitimate rights of the Palestinian
people, fore¬most among which is their right to
life, to existence and to self-determination.
157. If Israel does not understand, or chooses
not to understand, it will have shunned
international legality, flouted the Charter,
disregarded the norms of interna¬tional law and,
indeed, repudiated the peace accords.
158. However, if Israel still relies on its
security argument, we, for our part, assert in
all candors that such claims defy logic and
reason. Israel's security lies, in a word, in the
establishment of peace based on justice. No
amount of weapons, money, maneuvers, invasion,
attempts to establish settlements, or
displacement of thousands of human beings is
going to bring security to Israel. Peace means
security for all, based on justice for all. This
is the only road to security and stability.
159. When Egypt initiated the peace process
with President Sadat's visit to Jerusalem it was
destined to achieve the following objectives:
First, Israel's recog¬nition of the existence of
the Palestinian people and the existence of the
legitimate rights of the Palestinian people.
Secondly, Israel's acceptance of negotiations
with the representatives of the Palestinian
people. Thirdly, free election of a Palestinian
authority to assume power fully in the occupied
Palestinian terri¬tories as a transitional
arrangement. Fourthly, the with¬drawal of the
Israeli military and civilian administra¬tion
from the occupied territories, as well as the
beginning of the withdrawal of the Israeli
occupation forces, the remaining forces to be
redeployed during the transitional phase to
specific, points and camps. Fifthly, initiation
of negotiations between the Israelis and
Palestinians on the final status of the occupied
West Bank and Gaza/This meant, in other words, a
total rejection of Israel's expansionist,
annexationist and sovereignty claims as well as
of any unilateral or arbitrary measure. Sixthly,
it is inevitable that the Palestinian people
should be enabled to exercise its right to
self-determination, including the right to
establish its own State or any other arrangement
accepted by the Palestinian people within the
frame¬work of international legitimacy.
160. As all delegations are aware, Egypt has
been engaged in negotiations with Israel with the
full participation of the United States of
America to help establish transitional
arrangements that would assist in accomplishing
those legitimate objectives. Egypt entered into
these negotiations in good faith, motivated by
the hope of an early dawn of peace and
anticipating that Israel, too, would pursue that
path and co-operate in implementing the
agreements towards comprehen¬sive peace.
161. However, Israel opted to persist in
establishing settlements in the occupied
Palestinian territories in an attempt to seize
and usurp the territories of the West Bank,
including Jerusalem and Gaza. Again, Israel
persisted in annexing Jerusalem and the Syrian
Golan Heights and in adopting other measures that
conflict with the confidence-building endeavors
required to establish a comprehensive peace in
the area.
162. This has culminated in the suspension of
those negotiations more than once. Needless to
say, Egypt, committed as it is to a firm rational
stand based on and reinforced by the rules of
international law and the principles and the
purposes of the Charter, cannot accept such
distorted interpretations of accords reached
under international legality. Egypt cannot
associate itself with a conspiracy against the
Palestinian people through any unsound
interpretation or equivo¬cal intentions or
designs aimed at annexation, incor¬poration and
other practices directed against the Palestinians
in Jerusalem, the West Bank or Gaza.
163. In the wake of Israel's complete
withdrawal from Egyptian territory on 25 April
1982, hope still lingered and did not fade. We
expected that Israel would be serious this time
in the continuation of the peace process. Allow
me here to emphasize the fact that Egypt views
the withdrawal from Sinai as only part of a
settlement of the overall problem and as a step
on a long, tedious road. Unfortunately, Israel
dissipated all hopes through persistence in its
policies, unacceptable by any logic or reason.
Then came the devastating aggression on Lebanon,
which has been both a staggering blow to the
sovereignty and terri¬torial integrity of Lebanon
and a flagrant violation of the political and
human rights of its citizens, whose lives have
been severely disrupted. The invasion has also
painfully disrupted the structure of the
Palestinian community in Lebanon which, owing to
displacement and dispersion, had been forced to
take temporary shelter in Lebanon. The invasion
was planned also to abolish the political and
national rights of the Pal¬estinian people and to
stifle its struggle under the leadership of the
PLO.
164. Against this background, Egypt and France
presented a joint initiative in the Security
Council last July. The draft resolution contained
two parts, the first providing for guarantees of
the sovereignty and political independence of
Lebanon and the second dealing with and
supporting the national and inalienable rights of
the Palestinian people against the armed Israeli
invasion. It called for the application of the
principles of security in order to:
"Reaffirm the right of all States in the region
to existence and security in accordance with
Security Council resolution 242 (1967);
"Reaffirm the legitimate national rights of the
Palestinian people, including the right to self-
determination with all its implications, on the
under¬standing that to this end the Palestinian
people shall be represented in the negotiations
and, con¬sequently, the Palestine Liberation
Organization shall be associated therein;
"Call for the mutual and simultaneous recognition of the parties concerned".
165. This is the political, historical context
and rationale of that initiative. Egypt and
France strongly uphold their initiative and
reiterate full commitment to its principles in
the deep conviction that its provi-sions stem
from the rules of international law and the
principles and purposes of the Charter and
resolutions of the United Nations. While solemnly
stating this position, Egypt also declares that
in the light of the agreement reached with France
at the highest level, we shall defer our
participation in the debate on this initiative at
the present time, taking into consideration a
number of positive developments in the overall
situation and also in anticipation of future
develop¬ments. In this context, we wish to
welcome the PLO's statement in the Security
Council on 29 July 1982."
166. Foremost among those positive
developments is President Ronald Reagan's
initiative made public on 1 September 1982. It is
a commendable attitude on the part of the
American Administration. Its analysis of the
situation in the Middle East is sound, and that
is why the United States is urged to take a
firmer stand concerning the grave developments
resulting from the Israeli policy in Lebanon,
Beirut in par¬ticular, the Palestinian problem
and the problem of the Middle East in general.
167. We welcome the initiative, which contains
many ^ positive elements and constitutes a major
step towards a just solution of the Palestinian
problem and a fair and comprehensive settlement.
Meanwhile, we have some comments to make on parts
of this initiative which we hope will be
considered by the United States Administration.
There will certainly be ample time and
opportunity for such reconsideration when
discussions start with the parties concerned.
How¬ever, what is essential in the final analysis
is that sustained efforts be made to give effect
to this ini¬tiative as quickly as possible,
before it is overtaken by events or eroded by
maneuvers such as those we have witnessed
recently.
168. At the same time we urge the Government
of Israel to reconsider its negative attitude to
the Reagan initiative, to respect the framework
of international legality by ceasing the
establishment of settlements and desisting from
its policies of annexation and assimila¬tion and
to treat the population of the West Bank,
including east Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip, in
accord¬ance with the provisions of the Geneva
Convention. We urge Israel not to adopt an
inflexible attitude but to respond positively to
the appeal made by the highest authority in the
United States.
169. We also urge the PLO to reassess the
present situation in all its aspects, re-examine
our suggestion for simultaneous mutual
recognition, and reaffirm its adherence to all
the United Nations resolutions relevant to the
question of Palestine, in order to facilitate a
dialogue with the United States, thus enabling
the PLO to participate in the dialogue with all
the parties directly concerned with this
question. In turn, such a dialogue would enable
the American Administration to communicate on a
basis of equality with all the parties concerned.
170. In that context, we appreciate the
statement made by Yasser Arafat, Chairman of the
Executive Committee of the PLO, to the effect
that he accepts all United Nations resolutions
relevant to the ques-tion of Palestine. We
consider this statement to be a step in the right
direction. This attitude deserves respect and
encouragement, as it reflects a sound appraisal
and understanding of the situation and its
imperatives.
171. There was yet another development when
the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference adopted
unani-mously another peace plan on 8 September
1982. Some might take issue with one or other
aspect of the plan, but many positive elements in
it cannot be overlooked or minimized. Also, the
political significance implicit in a consensus
among Arab heads of State or Government on such a
plan should not be overlooked. The Arabs have
spoken with one voice in Fez, opting in clear and
unequivocal terms for a comprehensive peace based
on justice. The Arab States are willing to pursue
the course of a negotiated peaceful settlement
based on mutual recognition.
172. The principles and broad outline embodied
in the Fez resolutions constitute an acceptable
basis for negotiation. They may require
mechanisms or pro¬cedures, executive preparatory
measures or transi¬tional arrangements, but,
taken with the other existing initiatives, the
Fez resolutions are capable of being translated
into a practical, just and acceptable form.
173. By the same token, I have to reiterate
that Egypt does not exclude any other initiative
designed to make it possible to forge ahead
towards a just, peaceful and comprehensive
settlement. In this connection, reference should
be made to the European initiative, the Romanian
initiative, the Soviet initiative and the ideas
put forward by the Secretary-General.
174. By a natural process of association,
talking about Fez leads me to touch on
Egyptian-Arab relations. Egypt has been
intrinsically an Arab country for the past 14
centuries. The genuinely Arab character of Egypt
can be neither made nor unmade by a decision.
Egypt is far beyond being affected by one country
and regime, or a number of countries and regimes,
which may call into question its genuine Arab
char¬acter. The Arabism of Egypt, metaphorically
speaking, is like a tree, deeply rooted for 14
centuries, watered by the blood of the martyrs
who have fallen in battle in defense of
Palestinian rights on many occasions, indicating
the position of Egypt as it has stood firmly for
Arab rights from Morocco to the Gulf States, from
the turn of this century until today.
175. We may have disagreed with some of our
brothers, and we may still be in disagreement,
over a number of issues but we call upon Arab
countries to stand united in the face of the
crucial challenges confronting the entire Arab
nation today. Egypt will continue to exert every
effort to that end. We are confident that Arab
solidarity will surmount those Arab differences
and disputes.
176. I have talked at some length about the
situation in the Middle East and the Palestinian
problem, the core of that conflict, and in
conclusion I should like to tackle two important
points. The first relates to the deteriorating
conditions in Lebanon. The situation is still
fraught with danger; it still threatens to
explode, engulfing Lebanon and spreading beyond.
We in Egypt reject the claim that the continuing
Israeli occupation is a necessity or that it
protects anybody. The existence in Lebanon of
foreign military occupa¬tion resulting from
invasion would be the principal cause of any
further deterioration. We maintain our unshakable
belief that the solution lies in the with¬drawal
of the Israeli invasion forces from all Lebanese
territory to its internationally recognized
borders.
177. All foreign forces must withdraw from
Lebanon, but the withdrawal of Israeli occupation
forces should neither be conditional on nor
relate to any other presence. Israel must realize
by now that its view concerning the situation in
the Middle East is erroneous, that its
understanding of conditions in Lebanon is
superficial. It results not from any
under¬standing of reality but from the arrogance
of power. The presence of Israel in Lebanon will
not lead to stability in that country but will,
rather, intensify the waste and destruction
there. That may be what Israel wants; it is
certainly what Israel is accomplishing. But
Israel will not long escape the consequences,
unless it hastens to correct the situation,
unless its wise men or its friends correct the
situation, before the oppor¬tunity is missed and
it is too late.
178. We urge the United States, the
super-Power that is in a position effectively to
influence several situations in the area, and
which is providing Israel with the tools of power
and the means of life, to restrain Israel without
delay, as President Eisenhower did in 1957.
179. Israel dishonored all its pledges and
guaran¬tees under the agreement reached on the
withdrawal of PLO forces from Beirut when Israeli
troops pushed into west Beirut and inside the
refugee camps of innocent Palestinian civilians
in Sabra and Shatila unleashing their henchmen
and lackeys, murderers and assassins to butcher
children, babies, women and elderly men who were
under the protection of the Israeli occupation
army, on a dark day of shame for Israel.
180. The basic solution to the Lebanese
problem lies in respect for the sovereignty,
territorial integrity, political independence and
Arab character of Lebanon, the unity of its
people and Government and the safe¬guarding of
the rights of all its citizens on a basis of
equality, coexistence and co-operation.
181. At the same time, we advise our brothers
in Lebanon, irrespective of their creed,
affiliations, aspi-rations or position, to make
the unity of their State and their people their
highest concern. They are required to stand
united in these crucial moments to enable Lebanon
to weather this stormy crisis and restore their
country to its traditional pride and traditional
pros¬perity. In this connection, Egypt wishes all
success to President Amin Gemayel, Lebanon's new
Presi¬dent, in his challenging mandate, and hopes
that his election will be a major step towards
stability, inde¬pendence and the termination of
foreign occupation.
182. I have touched on the painful events
taking place in the heart of the Arab world. On
its eastern frontiers, a ferocious war between
Iran and, Iraq has entered its third year posing
grave perils to the stability, resources and the
well-being of the Middle East.
183. We know all about the latest of the repeated Iranian invasions of
Iraq. We are also familiar with Iran's rejection
of all attempts at a settlement and of all peace
mediations. Iran, instead, is determined to
continue the war against Iraq. Iraq has already
with¬drawn or at least is ready to withdraw from
all Iranian territory. Iraq has also made public
its readiness to accept peace mediations and its
responsiveness to efforts for a settlement. We
call upon the Iranian Government to opt for peace
and to revoke all claims that could engender
conflicts and rekindle the con¬flagration.
184. As an Arab country which believes in the
terri¬torial integrity of the Arab nation, and
confident of the Government of Iraq's acceptance
of peace initiatives, Egypt declares that it will
support Iraq in defense of the Iraqi people and
territory.
185. Peace for Egypt is a profound conviction
and a full commitment. Consequently, despite the
colossal obstacles obstructing our pain towards a
peaceful settlement in the Middle East, Egypt
will never resign itself to despair, but will
persist unwaveringly in exerting all efforts to
achieve a peace based on justice, which alone can
ensure permanence and continuity.
186. Egypt's commitment to peace is not
exclusive, but transcends the Middle East to
spread to other regions of the world. Egyptian
positions on world issues emanate from one
consistent and constant prin-ciple. We call for
the peaceful settlement of disputes through
dialogue and negotiation, and through respect for
international law and the principles of the
Charter of the United Nations.
187. These are our expectations and
aspirations. They are not dreams, because through
our common and concerted efforts, they could be
translated into realities of life, to help create
a better world for our posterity and all future
generations.