It is my privilege to extend to Mr. Hollai the
warm congratulations of the delegation of Burma
on his unanimous election to his high office and
to assure him of our support and co-operation in
the discharge of his responsibilities. We are
most fortunate in having the advantage of his
wisdom and expended, and we are confident that he
will guide the deliberations of the Assembly with
the tenacity and resourcefulness which the
numerous tasks before us require. Next we wish to
express our deep appreciation to the former
President, Mr. Kittani, for the distinguished
manner in which he conducted the proceedings of
the last session of the Assembly and his vigorous
efforts to bring it to a successful conclusion.
165. The international climate in which the
Assembly is meeting is rife with tensions and
acute world problems. From whatever angle the
present world situation is viewed, there is no
denying that we are facing a time of serious
upheavals in almost all spheres of international
relations. The disconcerting features are evident
in the political overtones of the declining trend
and the rising tensions in great-Power relations;
in the economic overtones of a deepening world
recession, with conflicting interests ensuing
among nations in racial cleavage and the revival
of old historical quarrels in regional
relationships; and the increasing acts of
terrorism afflicting human life and international
order. Taken together, these adverse
manifestations potentially endanger international
peace, stability and security.
166. The bewildering complexity of issues
burdening the world of today are mirrored in the
variety of agenda items to which the Assembly
will direct itself. Some of the most important
issues have been with us for many years and have
become aggravated with the passage of time. The
United Nations today faces far more intractable
challenges than could ever have been foreseen at
the time of its founding. The concomitant
increase in the number of conferences•, bodies
and institutions is also straining the human and
financial capacity of the Organization. The
dilemma besetting the Assembly is how to
reconcile the ever widening scope of activities
and responses demanded of the Organization with
an annual budget that must be kept within the
financial limits of what the membership as a
whole can reasonably be expected to accept and to
bear.
167. The delegation of Burma does not propose to
dwell at length on the host of issues before the
General Assembly at its thirty-seventh session.
We shall focus our attention on the principal
political and economic questions which we
consider to be the current realities of the
highly difficult and dangerous world situation in
which we live.
168. The international quest for disarmament is
still an unfulfilled aspiration of the world
community. Paradoxically, while there is now a
swelling international drive for disarmament, the
arms race has surged ahead on a scale unknown
before, increasing the already enormous outlays
for destructive purposes. Whatever the
circumstances, the crucial problem of how to
bring about disarmament remains. To our
understanding, there are only two ways of
achieving disarmament-by mutual agreement or by
unilateral action. But the present policy of
positions of strength and its reliance on
superior destructive power as the ultimate
deciding factor constitutes a psychological
road-block to both processes. We say this because
if one adversary decides to arm heavily the other
will invariably do likewise. Thus weapons
themselves add to fear and mistrust and become
the greatest obstacle to any headway on
disarmament and arms control.
169. All this leads one to conclude that
there are dim prospects of success for agreement
unless a suit-able atmosphere of confidence and
trust can be nurtured to bring about enough
mutual understanding to enable both sides to make
the requisite concessions and compromises.
170. The central arms-control doctrine being
exercised today is that of stabilized nuclear
deterrence, where each side refrains from attack
for fear of mutual annihilation. Deterrence has
its use thus far prevented the outbreak of
another world war. However, stabilized deterrence
will not stop the arms race. Mutual effort to
maintain deterrence leads to a steady spread of
nuclear weapons. International tension and fear
remain high without the prospect of disarmament.
171. Clearly, this is not compatible with the
universal view that there is an urgent need to
find a solution to the dilemma of nuclear
weapons. Unless things take a more sensible turn,
it seems that man is doomed to live in harrowing
uncertainty as to what the future will bring.
Thus, the status quo is not only not good enough.
it cannot in fact endure, for the human system
cannot for long put up with the persistent,
constant pressure which the status quo imposes
upon it.
172. It is self-evident to all that no one can
expect to win the arms race. As we see it, the
only sensible recourse for those engaged in that
perilous venture is to call for a halt and decide
to agree on a sequence of processes leading to
reduction of their nuclear arsenals. In order to
mitigate the danger of a nuclear war erupting,
either by miscalculation or by accident. we hope
that the two leading nuclear Powers will sustain
the recent resumption of their bilateral con(acts
on strategic nuclear arms and assert sufficient
political wi1l to ensure the success of their
discussions. Divergences may be very sharp at
present, but there can be no progress anywhere on
the arms control front until the two leading
nuclear Powers agree on what to do about their
strategic arms.
173. As rapidly as the situation permits, those
bearing the main responsibility for the arms race
must begin the critical transition from
deterrence to disarmament, for it soon may be
beyond the reach of efforts to initiate the
process. The main ground for advocating this is
that, ultimately, it offers the only hope of the
continuance of human survival.
174. Developments in the Middle East this year
took a dramatic turn for the worse. Tension
sharpened and escalated fighting led to direct
military intervention in Lebanon. The policy and
practice of sending a punitive expedition of such
formidable strength can only be deplored. The
action constitutes a flagrant violation of the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon
and is yet another example of the use and abuse
of force. It is abundantly clear that such
actions are completely at variance with the norms
of conduct in international relations and cannot
augur well for the future. The position of the
delegation of Burma remains one of serious
concern.
175. Nobody who has followed the situation in
Lebanon could fail to be shaken by the
remorseless violence, the heavy toll in human
lives and the suffering that resulted from the
recent conflict in that country. The general
contours of the Middle East situation may have
changed somewhat, but that does not alter the
fact that there is an urgent need for an overall
settlement in the region. It is equally clear
that the prospects for peace in the Middle East
are not likely to become brighter until the
Palestinian question is resolved to the
satisfaction of all concerned. It accounts for
virtually all the problems of the Middle East and
will remain a weight on the world's con-science.
176. At this point, I should like to reiterate
the support of the delegation of Burma for the
sovereignty, territorial integrity and political
independence of Lebanon within its
internationally recognized boundaries and for the
full implementation of all Security Council
resolutions in that regard.
177. As we see it, the two problems-that of
the Middle East and that of Palestine-are
inextricably intertwined. Consequently, any
search for a political settlement must
necessarily encompass both questions, rather than
dealing with one to the neglect of the other.
This means that only the method of seeking a
comprehensive solution with the full association
of all interested parties can lead to the
possibility of achieving a durable peace in the
Middle East.
178. The Assembly has been struggling with the
Middle East and Palestinian questions for many,
many years. The main obstacle to the resolution
of the many issues involved is the extreme
antagonism of the parties concerned and the
refusal of either party-Israel or the
Palestinians-to recognize each other's existence
and to acknowledge the mutual right to statehood.
This is making very difficult any constructive
and fruitful negotiations towards a solution that
would be in the interest of all parties
concerned, for lasting peace in the Middle East.
The positions of the parties to the conflict
being what they are at present-implacable
hostility on the one side and impetuous
belligerence on the other there are few signs of
any willingness by either side to be the first to
break the impasse. We take the view that there is
no option but for the parties to coexist. That
cannot happen without a change of heart on the
part of all those at present involved.
179. The delegation of Burma does not
under-estimate the highly emotional and complex
political questions of the Middle East. None the
less, we are of the view that this long-standing
conflict cannot be settled by force, but only by
negotiations. Realism demands that the parties to
the conflict learn to put up with each other, for
there is no other way to make relations more
humane, more peaceful and more secure. The road
of negotiations may be a long and tedious one.
Given the will, however, there is no problem in
the world, no matter how intractable, which
cannot be solved by negotiations and without loss
of honour by either side.
180. The world community became seized of the
issues of Kampuchea and Afghanistan at the
beginning of the 1980s. The unresolved situations
in both countries continue to undermine the
development of good-neighbourly and co-operative
relations in their respective re2ions.
181. The delegation of Burma has had occasion
at previous sessions of the General Assembly to
voice its regret and deep concern over the
occurrence of armed intervention, which obviously
cannot be justified or condoned, in both
situations. Our approach to both situations and
to their solution is based on our firm and
consistent support for the principles of
the Charter of the United Nations, which upholds
in unequivocal terms respect for the sovereignty,
territorial integrity and political independence
of States as cardinal principles to be
scrupulously observed in international relations
among States. The Charter outlaws the threat or
use of force in inter-national relations in any
manner inconsistent with the purposes of the
United Nations. It strictly enjoins all States to
settle their international disputes by peaceful
means and to refrain from intervening in any
manner whatsoever in matters within the
juris-diction of any State.
182. Burma believes that only scrupulous
respect for those principles by all States, both
in word and deed, would make it possible to
promote the progressive establishment of and
universal respect for the rule of law.
183. Any violation of those principles,
directly or indirectly, in whatever guise or
under whatever pretext, deals a grievous blow to
mankind's hope for a peaceful and just world
order. By the same token, whenever and wherever a
Power-big or small-resorts to armed force in
contravention of those principles, the inevitable
result is their serious weakening and erosion,
creating conditions with far-reaching
implications which are of concern to all
countries everywhere.
184. It was in this spirit that the delegation of
Burma gave its support to the resolutions of the
General Assembly which called for the withdrawal
'or' 'all foreign troops from Kampuchea and
Afghanistan and for" strict observance by outside
Powers of the principles of non-interference and
non-intervention. All those conditions are
necessary to enable the peoples of Kampuchea and
Afghanistan freely to exercise their will and
determine their own destiny.
185. As the internal and external
circumstances in Kampuchea and Afghanistan
develop, we hope that the leaders of those
countries will be able to master their conflicts
and to find a peaceful way to a political
solution and national reconciliation.
186. The independence of Namibia,
envisaged in Security Council resolution .435
.(1978), is long over-due. Since the United
Nations plan embodied in the resolution had the
acceptance, in principle, of all parties to the
dispute, we believed that Namibia's struggle for
freedom had entered its final stage. But over the
following years the pathway to Namibia's
independence meandered between hope and
frustration, the principal obstacle being South
Africa's attitude of intransigence. Meanwhile,
South Africa's escalation of military activities
against the front-line States has only added to
the political impasse and the worsening situation
in southern Africa. The latest reports on
continuing efforts at negotiations indicate that
there are somewhat improved prospects for a
Namibian settlement. We hope that that
improvement will continue and not break down as
in the past. Until a definite date is fixed for
the implementation
of resolution 435 (1978) the outlook for
Namibia's independence will continue to remain
highly uncertain.
181. The delegation of Burma reaffirms its
support for the Namibian people's inalienable
right to freedom, independence and territorial
integrity, including Walvls Bay, under the
leadership of SWAPO. We look for-ward to the
implementation at the earliest opportunity of the
United Nations plan granting Namibian
independence.
188. We welcome the adoption by the Third United
Nations Conference on the Law• of the Sea of the
United Nations Convention of the Law of the Sea6
which establishes an international regime on an
aspects of the uses of the sea. The major portion
of the rules have long been applied in practice
as norms of customary law and have acquired full
validity with the new Convention. It is a package
arrived at by carefully balanced and painful
compromises, over nine years of hard work and
highly complex negotiations, in order to achieve
wide acceptance. To allow it to go overboard
would mean that no order would prevail on the
seas and that a universally acceptable
modification would never again be attainable.
189. International relations as a whole are
exacerbated as a result of the prolonged crisis
in the world economy. The forecasts made by the
primary financial and trade organizations of the
world are not at all encouraging. They foretell
an ever widening gap between rich and poor
nations resulting from the slackening of economic
growth, lessening cash aid flows for development,
declining world trade resulting from
protectionism, and prolonged monetary
instability. Both inflation and unemployment have
become priority issues to be grappled with before
the world can be pulled out of the present
crisis. In facing up the situation the best
intentions and the most dedicated efforts of us
can be frustrated if we do not succeed in
overcoming these economic setbacks afflicting the
world economy.
190. The consequences of the disarray" in the
World economy are being felt in all sectors of
international economic life. No country is immune
from their disruptive effects. The impact upon
the developed countries has taken the form of
slower growth, widening payments deficits and
rising inflation and unemployment rates. These
countries are tending increasingly to solve their
problems by way of protectionism, reducing their
payments deficits and tightening money policies
to arrest inflation. We would hope that, in
putting their economies in order, the developed
countries would d\l so with as little harm to the
developing countries as possible. .
191. Apart from encountering the same
problems, the developing countries are faced
with worsening terms of trade, declining demand
for primary commodities and mounting debt burdens
caused by rising interest rates.
192. All of this indicates that there is a
complex interplay of economic forces influencing
both developed and developing countries. The
conclusion would be that the problems of the
world economy and of the international economic
relations are common problems which require joint
action by developed and developing countries.
Clearly, the situation calls for an untiring
effort to work out a basis of co-operation.
Reconciling the conflicting needs and desires of
the minority, developed countries, and the
majority, developing countries, will also call
for much tolerance and good will. As we see it,
there is no other way. In the con-temporary world
economic development has become a matter for
international co-operation and this requires a
meeting of minds between countries in all stages
of development.
193. Another requirement is that of solvil1g
certain structural discrepancies in the world
economy. so that it can result in a more rational
and equitable economic system than the present
one. It is a path we had hoped could be begun
with the launching of global negotiations, to put
relations between developed and developing
countries on anew, constructive foundation that
would be realistic, equitable and lasting. That
this has not yet taken place is a matter of
consider-able disappointment for the developing
world. Such a process could only begin if all
sides could be influenced to adopt a less rigid
attitude and to come together in a spirit of
mutual need and mutual responsibility.
194. The delegation of Burma believes that the
path of confrontation) or negotiations rooted in
any adversary psychosis, cannot lead us out of
the present uncertainty and impasse.
Statesmanship of the highest order, good will,
reasonableness;" and, above •an., realism on all
sides are required for the building of bridges
towards global negotiations. The world's economic
problems are of a structural nature and can,
therefore, only be resolved within the entirety
of international economic relations.
195. We make these comments simply by way of
emphasizing what seem to us to be the salient
features of the current world situation and its
problems. There is no doubt that international
relations in their-entirety are in deep crisis."
We express the hope that this session will prove
fruitful and will signify an important step
towards forward movement on many of the issues
which have been at a standstill. The bounden duty
of us all is to meet this challenge.