This session of the General Assembly of the United Nations is being
held at a time of acute international tensions and a world economic
crisis of singular gravity. The entire international community is
facing numerous problems which require from us as government
officials a critical analysis conducive to appropriate solutions
being sought in the higher interest of international peace and
security as well as for the prosperity of our peoples and nations. In
order to achieve those noble objectives, it is more than ever
essential that the Members of the Organization scrupulously honor the
obligations that they have assumed under the Charter. The whole world
unanimously deplores the inability of the United Nations to resolve
the major problems of our day, but what we do not denounce enough is
the fact that such weakness on the part of the United Nations is the
immediate consequence of the lack of political will of each of its
Members to behave in accordance with the principles and purposes of
the Charter. This is why our delegation unreservedly supports the
highly intelligent recommendations made by the Secretary-General in
his report on the work of the Organization as regards strengthening
its role and especially the action of the Security Council for
maintaining international peace and security.
$49
By electing Mr. Hollai President of its thirty- seventh session, the
General Assembly affirmed its trust in his outstanding qualities as a
diplomat and experienced statesman. In so doing it crowned his long
career, which has been basically directed towards international
relations. My delegation, confident in his ability to conduct the
work of the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly
successfully, extends its warm congratulations to him and assures him
of its full co-operation in his difficult but exalting
responsibilities. I should like also to express the esteem and
appreciation of my delegation to Mr. Kittani, his predecessor, who
accomplished his noble work with courage and dignity in spite of the
complexity of the tragic events that have shaken the world throughout
the past year. Lastly, it is an agreeable duty for me to pay a
well-deserved tribute to the Secretary-General for his tireless and
most commendable efforts during the first year of his term of office
in attempting to find peaceful solutions to the disputes that divide
certain Member States. He may be assured of the readiness of the
Government of Chad to help him in his future work for world peace and
development.
Before briefly expressing my delegation's position on certain
important items of the agenda of the present session, I should like,
as the representative of a country which has been the subject of
conversation internationally in recent years because of the long and
tragic situation of war that it has experienced, to outline the
situation now prevailing in Chad.
While it is true that peace in Chad was restored only at the cost of
great sacrifices, it is equally true that the tragedy endured for
almost 20 years by our people was not without cause. War is never a
matter of fate. In order better to grasp the true dimensions of the
peace and security restored by the people of Chad last 7 June, it
would be useful for me to outline briefly the internal and external
causes of the tragedy experienced by my country.
The first major people's revolt in Chad after independence dates back
to 1965. It was a genuinely national revolt, directed against an
oppressive system imposed from outside. Through that war for national
liberation, directed by the National Liberation Front, which
courageously faced the neo-colonial troops and other expeditionary
bodies, there were many people of Chad who saw their loved ones fall,
their villages bumed and their homes plundered. Many were also forced
into exile. The regime of the day, which had become anachronistic and
dictatorial, supported as it was by troops from the former
metropolitan country, in 1975 fell victim to its own mistake of
attempting to impose itself on our people against their will. Thus
its own army seized power from it. Unfortunately, the hopes raised
were soon disappointed.
Instead of offering the people of Chad dialogue and reconciliation,
the military junta in tarn committed the same mistakes and
bloodthirsty acts as the former regime. Defying the six-month
cease-fire that had been unilaterally declared by the National
Liberation Front, whose Armed Forces of the North are the patriotic
branch, the junta maintained a policy of repression and neo-colonial
war. It was only in 1978 that the military regime, undermined by its
notorious inability to meet internal and external challenges,
accepted, for tactical reasons, the historic compromise of the
Khartoum agreement. That was the first time since the popular
uprisings of 1965 that an agreement frankly set forth the different
problems of Chad and proposed comprehensive and lasting solutions.
A/37/PV.30
The implementation of the basic charter that emerged from the
Khartoum agreement would have spared our people a great deal of
suffering. Unfortunately, however, that charter was interpreted in
different ways, which quickly led to a governmental crisis. Despite
the twofold proposal of the Armed Forces of the North, to consult
lawyers of internationally recognized competence if problems of a
legal nature arose, or to amend the charter if the problem was of a
political nature; despite our people's desire for peace as expressed
in many demonstrations-yes, despite all that, part of the
neo-colonial army, mobilized along personal, tribal, religious and
regional lines, took the dangerous step, on 12 February of opening
fire on students whose only fault was that to call for the peaceful
and immediate implementation of the basic charter. The results of
that war are known to all of us: massacre of the civilian population
and a breakdown of trust among the regional components of our people;
above all, that war opened the door for additional interference by
foreign forces.
Supported by our people, and without external support, the Armed
Forces of the North emerged victorious from that trial. The balance
of power was in our favor. None the less, Comrade Hissein Habre
stated that there were neither victors nor vanquished and that it
would be possible for the people of Chad to reach an understanding
among themselves-but without foreign interference. We therefore
proposed to the other components the Kano-1 meeting in order to widen
the power base by including all people of Chad who would participate
in genuine reconciliation.
In spite of the Kano agreements, which called on all neighboring
States not to interfere in the internal affairs of Chad, certain
Powers, sensing that they were losing ground on the Chad political
chessboard, hastily formed armed factions along ethnic lines and that
would serve their own interests. Unfortunately, at the Kano-11
meeting we failed in our patriotic attempt to remove some of our
brothers from external domination; thus we were composed of H
political-military factions when we met in Lagos in August 1979.
In spite of our conviction about the anti-national character of
certain political-military factions, we nevertheless agreed to sign
the Lagos agreement. That agreement reiterated the call to all
neighboring States not to interfere in Chad's internal affairs. An
important point in that agreement was the establishment of a
consensus Government, whose term of office was set as 18 months, with
the task of preparing free elections and completing the work of
national reconciliation. The President of that Government would
therefore have no personal powers.
In flagrant violation of the provisions of the Lagos agreement, a
neighboring country and other foreign Powers openly intervened in our
affairs. Despite our determination to avoid war and in spite of the
mediation offered by eminent national and foreign personalities,
certain factions, feeling strong because of their external support,
unleashed the war of 21 March. By attacking elements of the Armed
Forces of the North, the nucleus of the integrated national army
envisaged in the Lagos agreement, that coalition brought about the
start of another war-one which was certainly the deadliest and the
longest that our people has had to endure. After nine months of
national resistance, in the face of what became a plot to recolonize
Chad, which met with a staunch resistance with the exclusive support
of our people, on 15 December 1980 we undertook tactical withdrawal
in order to spare our people from genocide and to deal in an
appropriate manner with the occupier's overwhelming superiority in
weaponry.
As the occupying forces established themselves on our territory, the
national and international public realized their real intentions and
those of the coalition. At the same time, the patriotic struggle
continued with a resolve matched only by our love for our homeland
and our dedication to the universal values of freedom and dignity. It
was in that context that the enemy was to begin the withdrawal of its
troops. We then unilaterally and immediately decreed a cease-fire,
with no prior conditions. Our desire for peace led us to give
unreserved support to the resolutions of the Organization of African
Unity of 11 February 1982. It was that same desire for dialogue and
peace which governed the rate at which we advanced on the capital.
For more than four months we intentionally delayed taking the
capital, in the sole hope of softening the belligerent attitude of
our brothers. It was that same desire for peace and dialogue among
the Chad people that underlay the successive visits of Comrade
Hissein Habre to Gabon and Zaire, after the N'Djamena meeting.
Today once again, before the Assembly, we affirm our attachment to
the spirit of dialogue, without bitterness or ulterior motives. We
solemnly invite all our brothers, including the former officials, to
reflect on the wise words of Comrade Hissein Habre:
"Let us bury the recriminations of unwarranted, unjustifiable and
sterile hatred; let us exercise restraint and still our emotions; let
us arm ourselves with common sense and reason; let us work for the
benefit of the homeland and the people, and let us respond to its
hopes of peace and unity, rather than attempt to bind the people to
our whims."
And we invite them to return to Chad, as many have already done, for
the sake of peace and reconstruction.
Although this outline has been lengthy, we believe it was necessary
in order to provide an accurate picture of the dynamics of war in
whose grip Chad so recently found itself.
For the first time since 1978, a single administration effectively
controls the 14 sub-divisions of our country. This is also the first
time since 1965 that security has prevailed throughout our national
territory. We are gratified to affirm before the Assembly that peace
and security have been achieved following a long patriotic struggle
and that they remain our constant objective.
The people of Chad remain touched by the sympathy expressed towards
our cause by fraternal African peoples and all people of good will.
Hence, we should like to express our deep gratitude to the African
heads of State for their selfless contribution and especially to the
founding President of the Togolese People's Assembly, General
Gnassigbe Eyadema who, at the risk of his life, went in the midst of
war to N'Djamena to attempt to obtain a cease-fire. We also extend
our thanks to our great pan-African organization, the Organization of
African Unity.
These achievements are and will remain fragile and could at any time
be lost if Chad's neighboring and other countries do not stop from
interfering in our internal affairs by encouraging the people of Chad
to rekindle the flames of war. We would therefore recall that States
are duty bound to respect the principles inscribed in the Charter of
the United Nations and that of the OAU, in particular, the principles
of non-interference in the internal affairs of others, respect for
territorial integrity, national independence and the non-acquisition
of territories by Aarce.
After the restoration of peace and the beginning of national
reconciliation, a Council of State was established in order to
guarantee the continuity of the State and the management of the
affairs of the country. A Government will be formed on the basis of
consultations which are now under way. It will have as its task the
completion of reconciliation among all the people of Chad, a start on
the work of national reconstruction and the creation of favorable
conditions for the establishment of democratic institutions.
Peace and security do not suffice to guarantee genuine stability in a
country if they are not supported by action for socio-economic
development. Chad, already disadvantaged by its situation as a
land-locked country, has suffered from a dislocated economy since
independence. The combined effects of drought and war have worsened
its already alarming economic situation. In fact, at this very moment
the country is devastated, most public and social buildings have been
destroyed, our economic and highways infrastructure is in a state of
complete disrepair, communications with other countries are almost
non-existent, hospitals and schools lack staff and equipment, people
in certain regions are dying of hunger and the massive return of
refugees is posing a problem as regards their resettlement and
rehabilitation; and the list goes on.
Chad intends to maintain friendly relations with other countries
which are mutually beneficial, but without infringing upon its
freedom of judgment and action. By the same token, we reaffirm our
firm attachment to the principles of the immutability of frontiers
bequeathed by colonization and of the settlement of disputes by
peaceful means. It is in this spirit that Comrade Hissein Habre
reaffirmed in his statement to the nation of 18 June that:
"Our international relations are guided by the relevant principles of
the Charter of the United Nations and that of the OAU:
non-interference and mutually advantageous and reciprocally friendly
cooperation; positive and dynamic non-alignment which in no way
excludes our taking a position on various subjects of international
interest; the implacable struggle against hegemony, whatever its
source and active solidarity with all neighboring countries. We
firmly state that Chad will never be a base for subversion or
aggression against fraternal neighboring countries'
For several years now constant conflicts have marked the relations
among States Members of the Organization; recourse to the threat or
use of force, political, diplomatic, economic and military pressures
are common currency. This has led the Secretary- General in his
report on the work of the Organization to state: "We are perilously
near to a new international anarchy".
These acts of insecurity are leading to the proliferation of hotbeds
of crisis the world over. This applies especially to the question of
Western Sahara, the situation in southern Africa, the problem of the
Middle East and conflicts in Asia.
The problem of Western Sahara has become an alarming one for the
international community and especially for Africa. My country has
continually called for a peaceful solution to this problem in
accordance with the relevant resolutions of the OAU and of the United
Nations, and in particular in accordance with the decisions adopted
at the eighteenth session of the OAU Assembly of Heads of State and
Government at Nairobi in June 1981.
In southern Africa, our major concern remains the establishment of
genuine freedom. We must restore dignity to our African brothers who
are suffering in Namibia and Azania, the last bastions of the most
blatant form of colonialism. As regards the Namibian problem, the
international community is aware today that the South African regime
does not understand the language of dialogue, but rather that of
force. The racist regime in Pretoria and its allies do not wish to
let go of Namibia, but to continue to exploit the wealth of that
Territory. That racist regime could not have adopted such an arrogant
attitude or have rejected the determination of the international
community had it not relied on the assistance and support of its
allies.
We reaffirm our steadfast support for the South West Africa People's
Organization, the authentic representative of the Namibian people,
and call for the implementation of Security Council resolution 435
(1978) in order to establish a cease-fire and proceed to free
elections. We urge the countries which continue their economic,
cultural, military and nuclear co-operation with the racist regime of
South Africa to put an end to these relations and to cooperate
sincerely with the United Nations so as to achieve a rapid solution
to the Namibian problem.
In South Africa itself, the racists stick to their policy of
segregation in its most demeaning form, thereby perpetuating the
greatest scourge of mankind. My delegation cannot fail to reiterate
its condemnation of that hateful system. It also condemns the
aggression against and invasion of the People's Republic of Angola,
as well as the constant violation of the territories of other
front-line States by racist troops.
The crisis which is unsettling the Horn of Africa is not likely to
foster unity and cohesion in our continent but, rather, to perpetuate
permanent tension. We venture to hope that the two fraternal
countries will finally come to the negotiating table to find a
peaceful solution to their dispute.
As regards the situation in the Middle East, many initiatives have
been undertaken by the international community, but unfortunately
they have not been followed up in a promising way because of the
warlike attitude of the State of Israel. Everyone is convinced that
the outcome of this conflict, which has been of concern to peoples
who cherish peace and freedom for more than a quarter of a century,
rests on the implementation of the resolutions of the Organization.
This involves the evacuation by the Jewish State of ail Arab and
Palestinian territories which it occupies; the exercise by the
Palestinian people of its inalienable rights to self-determination
and the establishment of an independent and sovereign State in its
own homeland; the recognition of the Palestine Liberation
Organization as the sole representative of the Palestinian people;
recognition of and respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity
and political independence of each State in the region and the right
of each State to live in peace within internationally recognized
borders.
My delegation condemns the invasion of Lebanon by Israel and the
abominable massacre of Palestinian civilians in Sabra and Shatila.
The international community is duty bound to apply sanctions against
Israel under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations.
The conflict between Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran, two
neighboring Islamic countries, has already caused considerable losses
in human life and material damage. In principle we reject any
recourse to violence in solving a dispute which might arise between
States and this is why my delegation reiterates here its appeal to
the two parties for a cease-fire and for a peaceful solution to the
problem. Consequently, we support the ongoing initiative within the
Organization of the Islamic Conference and other initiatives which
might help to bring about peace in that region.
In Asia, the problems of Afghanistan and Kampuchea continue to be a
source of concern to us. The continuation of the situations in those
two countries and their regional and international effects emphasize
the urgent need for peaceful solutions that could restore internal
and regional peace. Such solutions necessarily involve the withdrawal
of foreign troops, and strict respect for the independence and
territorial integrity of those countries, and a settlement allowing
the two peoples to determine their own fate in full sovereignty.
Similarly, regarding Korea, we support the principle of the peaceful
reunification of the two parts of the country, without external
interference, and the withdrawal of foreign troops from the Korean
peninsula.
Another political question merits comment-disarmament. The second
special session of the General Assembly on that question, which
opened in a spirit of euphoria, has somewhat dashed the hopes placed
in it, inasmuch as its work has not led to any tangible results;
however, it Las en Ale J not only Member States, international
organizations, governmental and non-governmental organizations, but
also the public to become fully aware of 4he danger inherent in the
possession of nuclear and chemical weapons and, consequently, of the
absolute necessity to freeze them immediately and gradually destroy
them. Enormous resources, both human and financial, would thereby be
freed and could be devoted to development.
Fortunately, since dialogue between the major Powers has not ceased,
my delegation remains convinced that wisdom will prevail over any
negative considerations that could lead the world into a nuclear
holocaust, which would spare no one.
The world is living in a state of expectation, but the margin for
optimism is a thin one, especially because other phenomena of
domination and destabilization of small countries, such as the use of
mercenaries, continue to develop. Indeed, in recent years there has
been a renewal of acts of aggression by mercenaries and other
irregular elements against countries attempting to enjoy political
sovereignty and independence. Their activities are threatening
international peace and security in the same way as armed conflicts
between countries. The people of Chad has suffered firsthand the
effects of those activities. That is why we urge the Committee on the
Drafting of an International Convention against the Recruitment, Use,
Financing and Training of Mercenaries to conclude its work and
produce a convention very soon.
Development questions are also of concern to the Organization and
have been since its creation, and the struggle against the inequity
of the international economic system is part and parcel of the
struggle the international community must wage. Indeed, here we are
in the middle of the Third United Nations Development Decade and
still uncertain about our future. The problems which the developing
countries have to face are increasing even though it is true that no
efforts have been spared to find a solution-for example, the fifth
session of UNCTAD, the sixth and seventh special sessions of the
General Assembly, the creation of UNIDO to promote the industrial
development of States, and many other initiatives.
In spite of efforts to ensure our development and in spite of the
levels of international negotiation, the gap continues to widen
between the economies of the developed countries and those of the
developing countries.
The ills of international economic relations are more structural than
cyclical. They include the increased deficit in the balance of
payments of the poor countries, the continual deterioration in the
terms of trade, ever growing inflation, rigid and unfavorable
conditions for the transfer of technology, which are compounded by
obstacles and limitations imposed on access by developing countries
to international financial markets.
We must add to those the vicissitudes of nature for some of these
countries, such as Chad-landlocked, insular, prone to drought, and so
on. To be sure, not everything is so negative, as shown by the
adoption in April of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the
Sea.' But there is a serious degeneration of the very spirit which
should guide the new concept of international economic co-operation.
That widens even further the gap between North and South-a source of
political instability the world over. For that reason my delegation
recalls that the gradual establishment of a new economic order
requires, first, the democratization of international relations,
which necessitates the overhauling and strengthening of international
institutions. It would be desirable for the developed countries to
practice policies compatible with the interests of the developing
countries. That means the abandonment, to whatever degree, of the
current tendency based only on solution of internal problems.
The delegation of Chad draws the attention of the Assembly to
decisions and resolutions the Organization has adopted in favor of
geographically disadvantaged countries. These countries have great
needs and would like both national and international financial
institutions to pay particular attention to them. We believe that the
International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations
Development Decade should stimulate development in the third world.
To do that, it is high time that we reformed the structures of the
current economic system flowing from a global and integral approach
to problems of the world economy with the participation of the whole
international community.
Certainly, the international community has not been unaware of these
difficulties. It has shown its concern for our people since 1979.
Thus, the General Assembly has adopted many resolutions on emergency
aid and reconstruction assistance; the most recent -resolution 36/210
adopted in 1981-requests the Secretary-General to organize a pledging
conference on assistance to Chad. In that connection, during my stay
in New York I have had talks with the representative of the current
Chairman of the OAU Assembly of Heads of State and Government, the
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Kenya, with the Secretary-General of
the United Nations and with the Administrator of UNDP, to whom I have
expressed the earnest desire of my country to see that conference
take place before the end of this year. We are confident that the
Secretary-General will organize this conference in which we hope to
see the largest possible participation by lenders and international
organizations. To that end, we repeat our appeal to the international
community for emergency assistance to Chad and for effective
participation by lenders in the conference.
Chad seeks only to live in peace and understanding with all countries
that love peace and justice, in particular with its neighbors. It is
in this spirit that we wish to refer here to a situation that has
been of concern to the people of Chad since 1973, namely, the
occupation of a part of our territory by a neighboring country, which
occupation we have constantly condemned. This problem has already
been raised in the OAU and the General Assembly and the Security
Council of the United Nations, and we still hope to see it solved
peacefully. As soon as they entered N'Djamena, the Armed Forces of
the North and the Council of State got in direct and indirect contact
with that neighboring country, so as to create at the very outset
detente between the two countries so that our two peoples might live
in a climate of peace. In spite of our readiness for dialogue we are
bound to note the silence on the other side; more serious still,
there has been glaring interference.
That was the message that I wished to impart to the Assembly, on
behalf of my delegation. As representatives must have noted, owing to
the special situation prevailing in our country, we have spoken at
some length to state the concerns of our people. Our people has
suffered too much from war and should now be entitled to lasting
peace and its development with the assistance of friendly countries
and the international community, to which we affirm that peace and
security have been restored in Chad.
Before concluding, we should like to repeat our appeal to the
international community to help us effectively in the true battle
that we intend henceforth to wage, that is, the reconstruction and
development of Chad.