Allow me, first of all, Sir, to convey to you, on behalf of the
Italian Government and on my own behalf, most sincere congratulations
on your election as President of the thirty- seventh session of the
General Assembly. We are pleased that this honour has been conferred
on the representative of a nation with such great traditions. Your
vast experience of the workings of the United Nations is a guarantee
of the successful performance of the delicate task entrusted to you.
102. I should also like to express our sincere gratitude to your
predecessor, Mr. Kittani, who fulfilled the mandate entrusted to him
by the General Assembly last year at a particularly challenging time
for the Organization with great dedication and skill.
The deep appreciation of the Italian Government, and my own
appreciation, also goes to the new Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de
Cuellar, who, in nine months since he took office, has so completely
fulfilled the hopes placed in him. A worthy representative of the
illustrious Latin American legal tradition, and particularly the
Peruvian school of international law, he has tackled the difficulties
which the Organization has had to overcome in this period of his term
of office with wisdom, equanimity and, above all, a keen sense of
justice. In his search for the road to peace, in his indefatigable
championing of negotiated solutions and in his firm defence of the
principles of the Charter, the Secretary-General has had and will
continue to have the full support of the Italian Government.
103. The international situation during the past year has been
growing steadily worse: hotbeds of tension, sometimes turning into
violent struggles and wars -with immense losses of human life and
acute suffering-have, in fact, constituted threats to the peace and
security of the world.
104. The United Nations is all too often faced with serious
restraints. Even in its most committed actions, it seems unable to
fulfil the expectation that it should not only be the forum of major
international debates but also the institution capable of acting
effectively to prevent or to extinguish conflicts. This must not
discourage us. It is the specific duty of us all-in taking note of
this disquieting reality-to analyse in depth, with proper realism,
the causes of these limitations, and to give careful but dynamic
consideration to the most effective means of enhancing the role of
the Organization which, in an international situation characterized
by an increase in hotbeds of war, is finding it hard to promote a
more equitable international order and is often powerless to prevent
violations of the peoples' sovereignty, of freedoms and of human
rights.
105. In suggesting this I am fully mindful of the recent detailed
report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization. The
ideas underlying this report naturally elicit a deeply felt and
positive response from my country.
106. In fact, we share, on the whole, the perceptive evaluations
he has made of the causes most frequently responsible for the limited
effectiveness of United Nations action. In particular the slow
recourse of Member States to the mechanisms provided for in the
Charter and the failure to adapt national policies to the specific
provisions of the resolutions adopted, especially those adopted
unanimously, are in our opinion most often and most directly
responsible for the failure of United Nations action.
107. Even though it was signed 37 years ago, the Charter still
provides means for prompt and effective action in order both to
prevent international crises from arising-before situations have
crystallized, sometimes irreversibly-and to ensure the rapid return
to a state of normalcy in the areas concerned.
108. It is therefore not outside but fully within the Charter that
the study I just mentioned would seek ways of restoring active
vitality and decisive effectiveness to the Organization. Such a
conscientious analysis could, in our opinion, give rise to a more
binding system of collective security, the most solid foundations of
which would be constituted by greater understanding among Member
States in general and, in particular, those with seats on the
Security Council.
109. In fact, only the United Nations, constituted and
consolidated around an ethical and normative system of peaceful and
civilized international coexistence, can point out the difficult but
necessary course, not based on the mere reality of the balance of
forces but guaranteed by the rule of law and by considerations of
justice. It is to this goal that our common efforts must be directed,
benefiting from the growing maturity of conscience evident on all
sides, and not forgetting that the initial and the most concrete
means of expressing our will for peace is constituted by a balanced
reduction of nuclear and conventional armaments.
110. Italy is convinced that the way to peace is to be found
primarily through development. Hence the need to allow each country
to pursue the development course best suited to its own requirements,
while respecting its own traditions, and to participate adequately in
the global world process of production and distribution of goods.
111. The recent Toronto meetings marked a positive stage within
the framework of the North-South dialogue. My country, together with
other members of the European Community, has made a concrete effort
to solve the problem of financing the sixth replenishment of the
International Development Association (IDA) and thus to guarantee
adequate aid flows. The understanding concerning the start of
negotiations for the further financing of the seventh replenishment
of IDA also constitutes a major advance. The problem of the Eight
General Review of the International Monetary Fund [IMF] Quotas, even
if not finally resolved at Toronto, now appears in a more favourable
light as a result of the agreements reached there on the
consideration of increased quotas, which we favour.
112. But solution of these and other problems regarding relations
between industrialized and emerging countries requires a more
rational and adequate negotiating framework. That is why we remain
convinced of the urgent need to initiate the global negotiating
process. The important developments of the last few months, as
reflected in the submission of the draft resolution by the developing
countries and in the results of the June Versailles Economic Summit,
should induce us to take the present opportunity to reach an
agreement. More important than the excessive refinement of the text
of a resolution is the setting in motion of a negotiating mechanism
and to begin, together, the global study of North-South relations
with a view to their improvement and development.
113. On the basis of these assumptions, as well as for other
idealistic and humanitarian reasons, my country has decided to make a
particular effort in appropriating, for the three-year period
1981-1983, some $4 billion for development co-operation,
notwithstanding the considerable economic difficulties which we, too,
are facing.
In this context ample priority will be given by Italy to assistance
to the less developed countries, particularly in the agro-industrial
sector. In April of this year a high-level technical meeting was held
in Rome, in preparation for a subsequent meeting at the political
level, to discuss in depth the problems of hunger m the world. That
meeting showed that there was broad agreement on the most suitable
and effective, as well as the most modem, means of action to combat
that scourge. The purpose of this initiative launched by Italy at the
Ottawa Economic Summit meeting of industrialized countries in July
1981 was to promote a set of joint initiatives while broader
discussions would develop in the framework of global negotiations.
118. I would also recall that my country has reached agreement
with UNICEF and WHO on a five-year programme, 1982 to 1986, involving
$100 million that will help to reduce infant mortality in 15
developing countries.
119. I should also like to mention the outline agreement signed in
Washington with the World Bank, whereby the Italian Government will
make available to that institution-inaddition to the regular
contributions already made by Italy-a sum of approximately $400
million in assistance loans and grants over a three-year period.
120. The last specific action, in chronological order, by Italy is
the initiative, in collaboration with FAO, to alleviate the food
problem in eight countries of the Sahel. Altogether this programme
will cost $500 million, to be provided entirely by my country, over a
period of five to seven years.
121. With these initiatives Italy intends to carry out, in the
immediate future, an even more organic policy of co-operation, in
collaboration with United Nations agencies and programmes, based on a
realistic and effective strategy for action that will directly and
fully involve the developing countries themselves as partners.
South-South relations, in which we see the prospect of concrete and
substantial developments in the years to come, should also be
encouraged.
122. Italy will continue to provide financial support for the
growth of the developing countries with a view to attaining even
before the end of the decade the goal of assigning 0.7 per cent of
the gross national product to development, in accordance with the
International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations
Development Decade.
123. The creation of a better international order presupposes the
commitment of all States-whatever political-institutional pattern
they follow, in keeping with their respective needs and traditions-to
respect human rights, which represent the highest value that our
society is required to protect.
124. These are the beliefs of Italy, a nation that can speak in
the name of its ancient traditions as well as its active and highly
dedicated present. It has known 3,000 years of history, difficulties,
disputes and wars, but in the Mediterranean region, from which I
come, in the course of encounters and, admittedly, clashes between
different civilizations originating in three great continents, there
has been growing consideration for the values of the human being, his
rights and his freedom everywhere in the world, and we are proud of
that fact.
125. However, it is in this very area of age-old civilization that
in the last few weeks human rights have been totally ignored and
trampled underfoot. The images of the tragic events in Lebanon are
still vividly and horrifyingly impressed on our minds. Following the
assassination of President-elect Bashir Gemayel and the entry of
Israeli troops into west Beirut, in flagrant violation of Israel's
commitments, there was a tragic increase in violence. In connection
with the Sabra and Shatila camps one of the most bitter pages in
recent history was written. It revolts the conscience of the world
and it arouses feelings of indignation and the strongest condemnation
against those directly and indirectly responsible for the slaughter,
as well as feelings of pity for the innocent and helpless victims.
This is a lesson which should induce everyone to reflect on the
inhuman and monstrous consequences which await those who repeatedly
take the path of violence.
126. Since in too many areas there is still a disturbing
discrepancy between theoretical affirmation of principles and their
concrete application in regard to human rights, Italy deems it
essential that the United Nations be enabled to have a more direct
and incisive impact on the work of verifying effective respect for
such principles. The lack of a suitable and prompt response to the
intolerable defiance inherent in the persistence, and indeed the
spread, of flagrant and serious violations in many countries is
highly damaging to the prestige of the United Nations.
127. We certainly do not consider that an organizational
adjustment is an adequate response to one of the most serious
problems of our time, the solution of which depends on the ever
increasing maturity of our common sensitivity and on the courage,
never clouded by opportunism, to denounce any violation of human
rights.
128. On East-West relations, Italy continues to pursue a firm,
responsible policy and is therefore always ready to take part in a
constructive dialogue. Detente must be preserved and indeed given a
new impetus. Italy is convinced that there is no alternative;
therefore, wherever possible, it works with the utmost commitment for
the fruitful resumption of the process of detente. Sometimes more
recent and very serious events may make us forget or may divert our
attention from the events which have most affected the increase in
tension between East and West and are decisive elements in the
disquieting international situation facing us today.
129. In view of its gravity, the Afghan problem must continue to
be a focal point of our debate at the thirty-seventh session of the
General Assembly and for United Nations action in general. Three
years have now elapsed since the Soviet invasion, but the resistance
of the proud Afghan people to a regime imposed from outside is
stronger than ever. The tragic odyssey of those long-suffering
people, great numbers of whom have been forced to leave their
homeland and seek refuge in neighbouring countries, troubles us
profoundly. We have to note with deep regret that there has still
been no response to the appeals and the constructive proposals made
by the General Assembly, the non-aligned movement, the countries of
the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the countries of the
European Community with a view to the restitution of the right of the
Afghan people to self-determination and the re-establishment of that
country's traditional status as a an independent, neutral and
non-aligned State. Therefore we fully support continued pursuit of
the Secretary-General's initiative concerning tripartite negotiations
in Geneva.
130. The Polish problem, not only because it is being enacted only
a few hundred kilometres from our borders but also because it
involves our culture, affects us directly as Italians and Europeans
concerned with the construction of an open Europe committed to human
rights, peace and progress. The Italian Government and Italian public
opinion is deeply concerned about the drama of the Polish nation,
whose courageous search for valid and autonomous forms of renewal has
been violently interrupted.
131. Unfortunately even the most recent events confirm that there
has been no significant development in that area, which is still the
scene of a series of challenges to the Polish people's aspiration to
freedom, ranging from the persistence of martial law to arbitrary
arrests, and contacts between the Government and the bodies most
representative of the people have not been resumed. Only a resumption
of dialogue and the participation of all the vital forces of the
nation can give the support of a consensus to economic revival and
social peace.
132. But the situation in Poland is not the only obstacle to the
process of detente, the momentum of which unfortunately diminished
following the signing of the Final Act of Helsinki. Serious blows
have been struck at the foundations of world peace by changes in the
balance of forces to the advantage of the East. These balances must
be restored. That is the firm resolve of my Government. Italy is
ready in this context to make its full contribution to the study and
solution of the problems deriving, above all, from the accumulation
of all kinds of armaments, often in excess of any reasonable or
legitimate national security need. In that spirit and in expectation
of general and complete disarmament under strict international
control, my country participated with hope and commitment in the
second special session of the General Assembly devoted to
disarmament. We are not taking a sceptical view of that session. We
merely say that efforts should be continued and intensified.
133. In this connection, I should like to confirm that my country
considers that the solution must be sought in the direction of the
zero option, with the aim of ensuring the total elimination by both
the Soviet Union and the United States of the lethal and
destabilizing medium-range missile systems. Also, as regards the
strategic arms reduction talks, Italy is determined to make its own
contribution both in the framework of Atlantic consultations and
through appropriate bilateral channels with the two Powers involved.
134. While recognizing the objective difficulties in arriving in
the near future at a verifiable treaty on the comprehensive
prohibition of nuclear tests, I confirm that my country attaches
paramount importance to that objective. However, we must not neglect
the very serious issue of chemical weapons. Italy is also committed
to progress in negotiations on the subject of conventional weapons,
particularly as regards initiatives aimed at limiting and reducing
international transfers of that type of weapon.
135. The crisis in the process of detente unfortunately had
negative repercussions on the follow-up meeting to the Conference on
Security and Co-operation in Europe, held in Madrid, which after
three postponements was approaching a positive outcome. Our concern
for safeguarding the process of that Conference, because of its
world-wide as well as European importance, led us to agree to a
further postponement until the beginning of November, which is now
close. We hope that the General Assembly will encourage the European
countries to create, in keeping with the provisions of the Final Act
of Helsinki, the necessary conditions for the proceedings to be
resumed and to move towards a positive conclusion.
136. Unfortunately, the persistence and aggravation of focal
points of tension in many parts of the world inevitably cause serious
apprehension among the entire international community. The Minister
for Foreign Affairs of Denmark, in his capacity as current President
of the European Community, expressed here, at the 8th meeting, the
anxiety which we all feel over the world situation and identified and
commented in depth and with lucidity on those international problems
which, because of their gravity, must be brought to the attention of
the Assembly.
137. I am thinking first of all of the Middle East, an area of
traditional and direct responsibility for my country, situated as it
is in the centre of the Mediterranean region. A moral and political
judgement on the recent tragic events in Lebanon is not enough. There
must be concrete action if this vicious circle is to be broken. Aware
of this fact, Italy made direct efforts with a view to the adoption
by the United Nations of measures to deal urgently with that
situation. A first important step was the strengthening of the United
Nations observer contingent, decided upon by the Security Council in
its resolution 521 (1982).
138. In view of the gravity and urgency of the situation and
bearing in mind the fact that the consultations held by the
Secretary-General had shown that it would be difficult to reach
agreement quickly on the deployment of an international force, and
also in response to appeals received, Italy decided to take the
initiative in ensuring the speedy reconstitution, together with the
United States and France, of the multinational force for Beirut,
which will act with United Nations observers upon the formal request
of the Lebanese Government and in conformity with the objectives of
resolution 521 (1982).
139. Following wing the most dramatic phase of the crisis, it will
be necessary to proceed rapidly to the complete withdrawal of Israeli
troops and all other foreign forces stationed in Lebanon against the
wishes of the lawful authorities of the country, so that the Lebanese
Government can exercise its authority fully over the entire national
territory. Only thus will Lebanon be able once more to become an
element of stability in the region.
140. We must, however, never lose sight of the comprehensive peace
settlement that we have long advocated, both on behalf of Italy and
in the context of the European approach to the problems of the Middle
East, as the sole solution capable of bringing lasting stability to
the entire region. This can be achieved only by seeking an equitable
solution to the long-standing Arab-Israeli conflict, giving equal
weight to Israel's right to be recognized and accepted by its neighbours
and to exist within secure and guaranteed boundaries and to the right
of the Palestinians to see the fulfilment of their national
aspirations. We are thus more convinced than ever of the need to
facilitate a start to negotiations that can involve all the leading
protagonists in the Middle East conflict. It is particularly
necessary that the Israelis and Palestinians should be able to move
beyond the logic of confrontation and violence and become aware of
the existing realities in the area as a prerequisite for reciprocal
recognition, even if it is conditional.
141. Italy looks with interest and appreciation to the
possibilities of a breakthrough and the important pronouncements in
the recent statements made by the President of the United States,
which contain more specific details regarding a solution to the
Palestinian problem and give greater prominence to that problem in
the general context of the Middle East question.
142. The leaders of the Arab countries, meeting at Fez a few days
ago, on the commendable initiative of the King of Morocco, put
forward interesting new ideas based on the Fahd plan, ideas which we
appreciate and which suggest a high degree of restored unity in the
Arab world based on positions which are not extreme but in fact show
a trend towards a certain negotiating flexibility.
143. It must be noted that in the Arab world, Egypt -even at the
cost of isolation-has set a good example, which certainly gives it a
prominent role in those developments. I should like also to mention
the contribution made by Jordan to this greater search for negotiated
solutions.
144. Recent statements by the leadership of the PLO -which, in
Italy's view, continues to be a key factor in future peace
negotiations-statements endorsed by Arafat himself at a meeting I had
with him some days ago in Rome, show signs of an increased awareness
on the Palestinian side. We hope that this development in the
Palestinian position, which we have duly noted, will be further
consolidated so that in the occupied territories it will be possible
to make progress towards the establishment of a Palestinian homeland
through the exercise of a free choice by the Palestinians of their
own destiny made in full awareness of the realities of the area and
the importance of gradualism. This means abandoning any attempt to
dispute Israel's existence or to threaten its security. We are
convinced that the time has come for Israel also to show
determination to enter a new phase of negotiations and peaceful
settlement, rejecting the alternatives of confrontation and military
action.
145. Italy views also with great apprehension the continuation of
the tragic and disastrous conflict between Iraq and Iran. We are
aware of the appalling suffering and destruction which the war has
brought to the two warring countries and we intend to act in all
suitable forums in an endeavour to expedite a peaceful solution to
the conflict, in conformity with the relevant resolutions of the
Security Council and in line with the statement issued by the 10
members of the European Community on 24 May 1982.
146. Close to the area of the Middle East, in the Near East, there
is another crisis-in Cyprus, more limited but for us Mediterraneans a
source of serious concern. On 2 July 1982 I visited that island in
order to contribute to a speedy solution to the Cyprus problem. That
visit afforded a useful opportunity for closer study of the
individual aspects of this question with a view to ascertaining what
concrete openings could be discerned in the long-standing
intercommunal talks. It also provided an opportunity to reiterate
Italy's readiness to assist the Secretary-General and his
representative in Nicosia in their difficult task of mediation in the
negotiations between the two Cypriot communities; their dialogue is
useful in itself because it serves to release much tension. The
positive change in climate in Greek-Turkish relations could also
facilitate rapprochement in the positions of the two sides in Cyprus.
147. Also in connection with the efforts made to create suitable
conditions in the Mediterranean for peaceful and profitable
collaboration between all the coastal States, we should mention the
interest with which the Italian Government views Malta and the
consolidation of its position as a neutral nation, whose development
along lines of genuine non-alignment we welcome and sincerely
encourage.
148. There is another region, the Horn of Africa, with which my
country has strong ties and which unfortunately has not yet overcome
the serious crisis affecting it. Our commitment to the development of
these peoples, both bilateral and multilateral, is growing and in
fact we feel that such development is the basic problem to surmount.
We feel also that, in a spirit of mutual respect and consideration
for the principles established by the Organization of African Unity
[(241/], collaboration and negotiation constitute the means for
overcoming the present crisis in the Horn of Africa. However, in
recent months we have seen a further violation of frontiers-this time
to the detriment of Somalia-which is most worrying and which still
persists. Everyone must shoulder his responsibilities and an end must
be put to those acts of war.
149. To the south on the African continent, despite South African
military initiatives in Angola, which we firmly condemn, efforts to
pave the way for Namibia's independence as provided for by the United
Nations have advanced considerably, although too slowly since 1982 is
almost at its end and that goal has not yet been attained. We hope
that the necessary trust between the parties will grow during this
final stage and serve, among other things, to protect southern Africa
from the impact of world tension.
150. The region of the South Atlantic has also been troubled by a
serious armed conflict in recent months. Ever since the outbreak of
the Anglo-Argentine crisis in the Falkland Islands (Malvinas), Italy
has actively endeavoured to avoid any deterioration of that
situation-or at any rate to limit its negative consequences- in close
contact with the Governments of the members of the European
Community, with the United States and with many Latin American
countries, which have similarly attempted to divert the crisis
towards a peaceful solution.
151. I recently visited Latin America in the hope that, while
taking account of my country's position in the course of the
conflict, Italy or I myself could help to restore, in the common
interest relations between South America and the European Community.
It is our firm belief that relations, co-operation and understanding
between the countries of Europe and Latin America, which are linked
by common ties of culture, language and civilization, are essential
for world equilibrium.
152. With regard to the specific problem of the Falkland Islands
(Malvinas), Italy's position has been to condemn the act of
aggression; it has been and remains in favour of a resumption of the
dialogue between London and Buenos Aires, naturally without any
pre-conditions concerning the subject under dispute, within the
framework of the United Nations and with the possibility of recourse
to the good offices of the Secretary-General.
153. Another region of the world of concern to our country is
Central America, where, to the local causes of the crisis-found in
the age-old but currently unacceptable conditions of cultural,
social, political and economic deprivation in which the people are
living-have been added recently, following inadmissible foreign
interference, the consequences of East-West rivalry.
154. For our part, we believe that every effort should be made to
take the uphill path to peace and, consequently, we are in favour of
multilateral and bilateral initiatives in this direction, as well as
of the assistance programmes thus far implemented to help the
countries of the region, to which we hope that the European Community
can also contribute.
155. With regard to Asia, the situation in Kampuchea, another
independent and non-aligned country that has fallen victim to
military occupation, continues to interfere with the development of
relations among Asian peoples. My Government considers that the
solution of this crisis must be based on the emergence of a
sovereign, independent and neutral Kampuchea with a politically
representative Government free from any military presence.
156. Also in the context of Asia, I should also like to recall
that, unfortunately, the Korean question remains unresolved. The
Italian Government would welcome the initiation of a dialogue between
the two States aimed at arriving at an agreement guaranteeing
peaceful coexistence with a view to the reunification of the
peninsula.
157. The peoples consider that the United Nations should
eventually become the parliament of concord, peace and co-operation.
That is a most noble undertaking, but certainly a very difficult one.
We, the States Members of the United Nations, wiser through the
painful experiences of our past, which dictate prudent farsightedness
and a responsible imagination on our part, must not dash their hopes.
158. I have already indicated that the current panorama of
international society is very far from reflecting the great ideals of
the San Francisco Charter and that the way in which the machinery it
provided is being used is far from satisfactory. My country is
convinced that, apart from other ways and means we should explore to
remedy that situation, we can take a significant step forward through
more intensive action in the main geographical areas, where it is
possible to confront problems and relax tensions in the light of the
Charter, but also within the framework of common historical
traditions and common economic and social realities.
159. It is on the basis of this conviction that Italy, along with
the nine other countries of Western Europe, is committed to the
construction of a great economic and political community ready to
collaborate with all peoples and capable of being an important factor
for balance and progress in the international society-a community
that wishes to participate fully in the universal dialogue for which
the present forum is the United Nations.
160. With the immediate prospect of new Members, of ever-closer
and interlocking ties between the countries of the Community and of
the strengthening of those ties already existing between them and
groups of countries of other continents, as exemplified by the Lome
Convention, we see how fundamentally important integration effort of
our peoples is to the realization of those higher ideals enshrined in
the principles of the Charter.
161. Despite the difficulties it encountered, and precisely
because of its inherent evolutionary potential, the European
Community has during the past 25 years succeeded in giving fuller
expression on the old continent and throughout the world to the
profound sense of equality, freedom and justice of the Europeans and
to their desire for a constant constructive dialogue with all
peoples. This opening on the world is the comer-stone of the
Community's international action.
162. For those reasons, we view with great satisfaction and
interest the parallel development in other major areas in various
continents of organizations which deal at the regional level with
difficult and often contentious international questions, and which
are united in their assessments and decisions by an awareness of
shared common interests.
163. Action based on peace, justice and the well-being of peoples
which is harmonized at the regional level always has its natural and
preferred epicentre in the United Nations. The time is ripe for the
development of active solidarity capable of enabling the United
Nations to work effectively to translate the progress of the times
into human terms and to organize properly the vast new potential of
civilization and technology.