I convey to the President Mr. Schmidt's and the
Federal Government's congratulations on his
election. At the same time, I should like to
thank the President of the thirty-sixth session
of the General Assembly for his good work during
that session.
100. The Federal Government also conveys its best
wishes to the Secretary-General. He is faced with
great and difficult tasks. As we have seen, he
tackles those tasks with great skill and
resolution and with a sense of reality which also
embraces an awareness of the great influence that
an international organization like the United
Nations and the Secretary-General are able to
exercise on political events. During the first
year of his term of office, he has already
rendered great services through his exemplary
dedication to the cause of strengthening the
image of the United Nations and preserving peace
worldwide.
101. The conflicts throughout the world have not
become fewer but have increased. They have become
fiercer and more Moody and a greater threat to
world peace. Thousands of people have become the
victims of military and internal confrontation in
Lebanon, Afghanistan, the Persian Gulf, southern
Africa, South Asia, the South Atlantic and
Central America.
102. Hunger and want are growing in a word in
which nation’s economies are feeling the impact
of a con-tinuing recession—to the limits of their
capacity and no small number of them—even more
seriously. Every day people lose their jobs;
people in North and south, in East and West
alike, are increasingly concerned at how things
are to continue. This, too, poses a great threat
to international co-operation, not only to
domestic harmony but also ultimately to
international peace.
103. At the same time, armories are
overflowing with deadly weapons of an
inconceivable destructive power. The arms spiral
appears to be never ending, and many people fear
that it could turn faster and faster and finally
get completely out of control. In 1981 world-wide
spending on arms and other military equip¬ment
fbr the first time exceeded $600 billion. This
corresponds to 6 per cent of the world's total
gross national product. It amounts, per capita of
world population, to expenditure of over $100 per
annum, yet many people in the world do not even
possess $100.
104. In 1980 expenditure on arms production
world¬wide was many times greater than the total
value of all official development aid provided by
the indus¬trialized nations, and, according to
estimates by the International Institute of
Strategic Studies in London and the Development
Assistance Committee of the Organization for
Economic Co operation and Develop¬ment, the
members of the latter spend about 10 times as
much on armaments as on development aid and the
Council for Mutual Economic Assistance countries
even 100 times as much. These facts prompt one to
question the sanity of the international
community. Through our conduct we are all
involved in this collective insanity; we must all
try to master it.
105. The second special session of the General
As¬sembly devoted to disarmament became the
mouth¬piece of the fears of our nations. Its
voice was heard, but it has still not carried far
enough.
106. Governments must indeed face up to the
question of whether they have until now lived up
to their responsibility for world peace. They
have to accept the urgent and very anxious
question of whether the weapons systems that are
accumulating can ultimately be controlled by man;
they must also face up to the question of how
they intend to justify annually increasing
investment in arms in view of the hunger and want
existing in the world, and in view of the growing
hardship caused 6y the economic crisis.
107. As Chancellor Schmidt said at the 10th
meeting of the twelfth special session, the
second special session devoted to disarmament
the driving force that has become apparent in the
unrest of many of our fellow citizens must be
regarded as a motivation and a moral obligation
for us.
108. It is not sufficient to ascertain the causes
of the threat to peace, nor is it sufficient to
develop mere ideas on how to eliminate them. What
is also needed is a firm and resolute will and
ability to reach agree¬ment on better ways and
means of safeguarding peace.
109. As Pope John Paul II said in his peace
message at the beginning of 1980: Without the
readiness for a sincere and lasting dialogue
there can be no peace. The safeguarding of peace
is a never-ending task. It is an illusion to
believe that peace is a condition that can be
arrived at once and for all and then preserved
and to believe that the causes of threats to
peace can be eliminated permanently everywhere.
These causes become more numerous every year. Our
constant and unflagging efforts are needed to
limit them, to try to defuse them, to establish
effective rules for co-operation and hence
prevent the interna¬tional community from
relapsing into self-destructive anarchy.
110. People speak of crisis management. By
this they mean the attempts to detect as early as
possible individual major or minor crises, to
curb them resolutely and effectively and, if
possible, eliminate them completely. This is
indeed a necessary, sincere and undoubtedly
highly difficult task, serving the purpose of
safeguarding peace.
111. We must not content ourselves with this,
how¬ever. We do not need just crisis management;
what we need is a realistic peace strategy. For
this we require a return to the principles of the
Charter, to the norms of international relations
which the United Nations has established and to
which we have all committed ourselves.
112. We must take seriously the precept of the
renunciation of force or the threat of force in
interna¬tional relations. This comprehensive
proscription of force, enshrined in the Charter,
outlaws any form of attack and applies to the use
of all types of weapons. Our aim must be to
prevent all conflicts and to renounce the use of
all weapons. In its declaration at the summit
meeting on 10 June 1982, the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization [M4 TO] reaffirmed that none
of its weapons world ever be used except in
response to an attack.
113. We must create peace through respect for
the independence of all countries, respect for
genuine non-alignment and respect for the right
of all nations to self-determination.
114. We must create peace by establishing
greater security for all countries. If we see
security policy as a policy for world-wide peace,
as indeed we must, we must also realize that
security cannot be established through rivalry,
by constantly satisfying exaggerated security
needs through further arms build-up, by aspiring
to supremacy, or by provocative and ulti¬mately
dangerous gestures to indicate one's strength. AH
this simply results in an expansion of the
armories on all sides.
115. Greater security for all countries will
exist only if we, by collaborating across
alliance frontiers and ideological barriers,
strive for agreed security, for codified
equilibrium at the lowest possible level.
116. An arms race cannot lead to equilibrium
and stability; only agreed arms control and
disarmament are conducive to that goal. They must
be supple¬mented by a policy of dialogue and
co-operation among States, both regionally and
worldwide. For precisely that reason, existing
links and contacts must not be disrupted but must
be maintained, particularly in difficult times. A
lack of communication leads to
mis¬interpretations of the other side's
intentions and hence to wrong action being taken.
117. But peace can be lasting and dialogue and
co¬operation have substance only if our own
interests are defended with moderation and
restraint, if the other side's interests are
perceived and acknowledged as well and if
calculability and reliability prevail.
Further¬more, peace in the world can be
safeguarded in the long run only if the gap
between the rich and the poor does not become
even greater and we try to eliminate it through
genuine partnership between North and South. To
this end, one of our most important tasks is to
prevent the world economy from falling apart,
which would not only result in the poor becoming
even poorer but also constitutea threat to peace,
perhaps even as great as the accumulation of
weapons threatening human life.
118. When the then Federal Chancellor, Mr.
Willy Brandt, addressed the General Assembly, at
the twenty-eighth session, as the first
representative of the Federal Republic of Germany
he said we have come to assume our share in the
responsibility for world affairs on the basis of
our convictions and within the framework of our
possibilities . We have honored that commitment
over the years.
119. Located in the heart of Europe, we have
many neighbors, in East and West, in southern
Europe and in Scandinavia, and we want to be a
good neighbor to all of them. As a member of the
European Community and as a partner in NATO we
are helping to preserve and strengthen peace and
stability, par¬ticularly in Europe.
120. We declare our full support for what the
Danish representative, speaking as its President,
stated at the 8th meeting, on behalf of the
European Community. The European Community and
the way its member States live and work together
will always provide con¬vincing proof that a
lasting peaceful order based on the closest
co-operation and partnership is indeed feasible,
even in a region where for centuries there have
time and again been rivalry, confrontation and
war.
121. The European Community and NATO are based
on firm, shared interests and on identical
concepts of democracy and freedom. A policy of
good-neighborliness, however, must be effective
also beyond ideo¬logical, military and strategic
frontiers.
122. Germany is a divided country at the
interface between East and West. Confrontation
between East and West harms us Germans most of
all. Co-operation with the Soviet Union, Poland,
Czechoslovakia and the German Democratic Republic
and the treaties concluded with them have been
beneficial to us and others. They have created a
modus Vivendi that has rendered the situation in
Europe stable and made peace there more secure.
This policy was made possible only by the
existence of NATO and its defense capability and
by the Federal Republic of Germany's contributing
fully to NATO.
123. We intend to adhere to that policy of
co¬operation, but we have to admit that East-West
tension has increased. The reasons for this are
the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the events in
Poland and in particular the Soviet arms
build-up. In particular, the Soviet build-up of
intermediate-range nuclear weapons poses a deadly
threat to us.
124. Afghanistan, a small nation, has now been
holding out for three years against a highly
armed invading army. The continuing fighting has
exacted a high toll of lives. Over 20 per cent of
the Afghan population has now fled its home
country. The situa¬tion in Kampuchea is similar.
We demand an end to the use of force and an end
to the suffering; we demand peace and
self-determination tor the Afghan and Kampuchean
peoples.
125. The Federal Government has been following
the developments in Poland with very deep
concern. We expect Poland to settle its internal
affairs on its own without external interference
and to return—as pledged by the Polish leaders
themselves—to a situation without martial law and
without internees and par¬ticularly to a dialogue
with the trade unions. There can be no
stabilization in Poland while the present
deadlock continues.
126. I should like to add this. Germans and
Poles have both endured much suffering in the
past. They have not always treated each other
justly, and we Germans know that the Second World
War started on 1 September 1939 with the invasion
of Poland. Both sides have nevertheless—or
perhaps precisely for that reason—shown courage
and a readiness for under¬standing. The Warsaw
Treaty in particular and the agreements of 1975
are testimony to this. I am both pleased and
proud that this readiness for understanding is
quite clearly not confined to the Governments,
for millions of Germans has expressed in a
tangible manner and on a very large scales their
heartfelt readi¬ness to help. Although the
treaties were initially an important act between
Governments, I feel that now especially the
Polish people, in the oppression they are
suffering, have become conscious of our desire
for reconciliation.
127. Precisely at this time when East-West
rela¬tions have become more difficult we want to
do every¬thing possible to ensure that there will
not be a policy of confrontation. For us Germans
in particular there can be no such confrontation.
Our purpose is, as the Bonn Declaration of NATO
of June 1982, states, to develop substantial and
balanced East-West rela¬tions aimed at genuine
detente .
128. Chancellor Helmut Schmidt and General
Secre¬tary Erich Honecker, at their meeting at
Lake Werbellin on 13 December 1981, reaffirmed
their conviction that war must never again
originate on German soil. But Germany also must
never again be devastated by war. All Germans
are, therefore, particularly aware of the
obligation to help preserve peace in Europe. At a
time when East-West relations have become
difficult, German-German relations must not give
rise to addi¬tional strains. We shall therefore
endeavor to keep these relations in as good a
condition as possible and to improve them
wherever feasible.
129. The Federal Republic of Germany, which
urges respect for the right to self-determination
everywhere in the world, demands this right for
the German people as well. It therefore remains
our political aim to work for a state of peace in
Europe in which the German nation will regain its
unity through free self- determination. We
realize that this goal cannot be attained in the
short term. It is therefore all the more
important to seek improvements in our relations
through dialogue and negotiation.
130. The policy of concluding agreements has
also proved valuable for Berlin. Detente and
conflict management have had a positive effect in
this context in particular. Strict observance and
full application of the Quadripartite Agreement
of 2 September 197 P remain the most reliable
guarantee for a continuance of its stabilizing
effects.
131. The Federal Government continues to
regard economic co-operation with all countries
of the world as a major factor of international
stability, also and in particular in relations
with the East. A continuous trade war waged to
achieve political goals would be both unwise and
ineffective. It is of special concern to us in
this context to be and to remain a reliable party
to agreements. Existing agreements must be
honored also in difficult times for which they
are intended as well.
132. In about a month's time the deliberations
of the follow-up meeting in Madrid to the
Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe
will be resumed. We attach particular importance
to that meeting. For us, the process of that
Conference remains an essential facto: for
shaping East-West relations and for pro¬moting
disarmament and security in Europe. The people in
Europe have derived tangible benefits from the
Helsinki Final Act/ although their hopes have by
no means been fully met. Setbacks can occur in a
long-term policy for safeguarding peace. They are
a bitter experience for those affected. But
precisely then it is essential to use the
instruments available and try to return to a
policy of reason. Implementation of all parts of
the Final Act, as we demand, can make a major
contribution towards improving East-West
relations and stabilizing peace in Europe. In
Madrid we are aiming at a precise mandate for a
conference on disarmament in Europe as part of a
balanced final document.
133. A decisive step for safeguarding peace in
Europe was taken last November when the dialogue
between the two super-Powers was resumed and
talks on intermediate-range nuclear forces
commenced at Geneva. Let me add a remark in this
context. In the present difficult phase of
East-West relations, it would be good—of this
Chancellor Schmidt is con¬vinced—if the two
leaders of the United States and the Soviet Union
could have direct talks with each other.
134. The Bonn Declaration of NATO reaffirmed
the central elements of our security policy,
namely, deterrence and defense capability, on the
one hand, and disarmament and arms control, on
the other. Disarmament and arms control are vital
issues and an integral part of our security
policy serving the cause of peace. It is
essential to give our peoples the con¬fidence
that our security policy can indeed safeguard
peace. It is not sufficient to talk about
disarmament. People in East and West alike want
to see tangible results at last.
135. In his recent state of the nation
address, Chancellor Schmidt quoted General
Rogers, the Supreme Allied Commander in Europe,
who said: I am convinced that the only pathway
to a future for the kind of world we want leads
to the negotiating table. We must negotiate on
disarmament and arms control, on all kinds of
forces and weapons. This is the only way to stop
the arms race on both sides.
136. On the basis of the comprehensive
proposals on arms control and disarmament
negotiations made to the Soviet Union by the
United States of America at the NATO meeting in
Bonn, we support the idea of purposive,
persevering and intensive talks aimed at
achieving concrete results. First, we want a
genuine reduction in strategic nuclear weapons in
East and West. The American proposals for
substantial reductions in the Soviet and American
arsenals of strategic weapons by means of
strategic arms reduction talks have aroused new
expectations worldwide of a turning-point in
disarma¬ment policy. We welcome the fact that
those two coun¬tries are endeavoring at Geneva to
negotiate not only on limitations but also on
substantial reductions of their intercontinental
weapons.
137. Secondly, we want land-based
intermediate- range nuclear missiles to be
eliminated. The proposal made to the Soviet Union
by the United States at the Geneva talks that
both sides completely renounce a category of
weapons regarded as a particular threat by them
holds out the prospect of a major first step
towards disarmament and hence of eliminating the
threat felt by us in Europe owing to the build-up
of Soviet intermediate-range missiles. These
negotiations which are being resumed in Geneva
today are especially important to us.
138. By ratifying the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons resolution
2373, we Germans have undertaken never to possess
nuclear weapons. The Federal Government therefore
feels all the more justified in demanding time
and again that the nuclear Powers, too, honor
their commitments under the Treaty.
139. Thirdly, we want a codified comprehensive
ban on all chemical weapons. My country, which
for years now has committed itself to this
question with particular dedication, recently
submitted realistic and acceptable proposals for
reaching agreement on reliable means of verifying
compliance with a treaty banning chemical
weapons. I appeal to all Members of the United
Nations to examine those proposals carefully.
140. Fourthly, we want the force levels in
Central Europe to be reduced. Europe has the
world's largest concentration of mutually opposed
conventional armed forces. Progress at the Vienna
Talks on Mutual Reduc¬tion of Forces, Armaments
and Associated Measures in Central Europe is
therefore of particular impor¬tance to us, living
as we do at the centre of this region.
141. Furthermore, a conference on disarmament
in Europe must agree on confidence-building
measures for the whole of Europe, from the
Atlantic to the Urals, which serve to make
military potentials and activities in Europe more
transparent and help to reduce in the long term
not only mutual fear but also the danger of
unintentional military escalation.
142. Our special responsibility in Europe, in
the European Community and in NATO does not mean
that the Federal Republic of Germany can remain
indifferent to crises in other parts of the
world. On the contrary, we know that, just as
developments in Europe would quickly have effects
on other regions of the world, problems in other
parts of the world, how¬ever distant, can also
have direct repercussions for us. We not only
witness these repercussions but we also feel them
physically, especially in view of the fate of the
people directly affected.
143. The Federal Government is following the
developments in the Middle East with particular
concern. The assassination of the Lebanese
President-¬elect, Bashir Gemayel, and the
horrifying massacre in the Palestinian refugee
camps have once again rendered the achievement of
peace in the Middle East more difficult. The
Federal Government, like its
European allies, strongly condemns these criminal
acts, ft demands effective measures to protect
the civilian population, as well as an
independent inquiry. It hopes that the renewed
deployment of a multina¬tional force will help to
put an end to the violence and murders. The
sovereignty and territorial integrity of the
country must be restored as quickly as possible,
along with its constitutional institutions. This
requires the swift withdrawal of all troops
stationed in the country against the will of the
Lebanese Government. The Federal Government also
hopes that all political forces in Lebanon will
unite to reconstruct the country and that, by
exercising restraint; further acts of violence
can be prevented.
144. Peace and stability in the Middle East
can be ensured only through a comprehensive, just
and lasting peace settlement. Such a settlement
requires the participation of all parties in the
region, including the PLO. It must be based on
the principle of security for all States in the
region, including Israel. It must be based on
justice for all peoples, including the
Pal¬estinians, who are entitled to
self-determination. Finally, it must be based on
mutual recognition of all the parties concerned.
145. The Federal Government therefore welcomes
the new initiative by President Reagan as an
important step to reconcile the rights of the
parties concerned. The Federal Government has
also noted with satisfac¬tion that at the Twelfth
Arab Summit Conference, at Fez, almost all Arab
countries for the first time agreed on a policy
founded on peace between all countries in the
region. The Federal Government appeals to
every¬one concerned to seize the opportunity for
a new start and make every effort for a
comprehensive peace settlement.
146. The policy of suppressing the black
population in South Africa and of racial
discrimination is not only a grave violation of
human rights. It could also lead to internal
confrontation with destructive effects for the
country and the entire region.
147. Namibia must at last acquire its
independence in 1983 through free elections on
the basis of Security Council resolution 435
(1978). Lasting peace in Africa can only be
expected if the countries of this continent are
able to determine their lot on their own and free
from pressure by alien Powers. The presence of
foreign troops impairs any efforts to resolve
conflicts by peace¬ful means.
148. The Federal Government welcomes the
pro¬posals by the President of the Republic of
Korea to reduce the tension h his divided country
through dialogue and negotiation and to bring
about the peaceful reunification of North and
South Korea.
149. The Federal Government urged a peaceful
settlement of the conflict in the South Atlantic
from the very outset. We welcome the first
constructive steps aimed at normalizing relations
between the United Kingdom and Argentina. A
permanent solution to this dispute can be found
only through political dialogue and political
negotiations.
150. One of the prime goals of the Federal
Govern¬ment continues to be to maintain its
long-standing, close and good relations with
Latin American coun¬tries. The Federal Government
feels that the forth¬coming admission to the
European Community of Portugal and Spain can help
strengthen the Com¬munity's relations with Latin
America even further.
151. We strongly support efforts to ensure
that all countries respect the principle of
non-alignment. We seek to promote and safeguard
non-alignment through our development policy
based on partnership. The Federal Republic of
Germany encourages regional co-operation in the
third world which serves to strengthen stability,
independence and peace.
152. The Federal Government also fully supports efforts designed to secure
world-wide implementation of the principle of the
renunciation of force and of curbing the arms
race, as well as agreements on
confidence-building measures. It also directly
backs up such efforts with initiatives of its
own. We hope that the United Nations will take up
and develop further our proposals for a code of
conduct on confidence-building measures, which we
submitted at the second special session devoted
to disarmaments We expect the international
symposium on confidence- building measures
scheduled to be held in the Federal Republic of
Germany next year to provide further impulses for
the development of such measures, which
constitute an instrument of peace policy of
world¬wide importance.
153. Since the beginning of the last session
of the General Assembly many thousands of people
have had to flee their home countries or have
been expelled from them. We must not permit a
situation in which millions have to leave their
countries temporarily or even permanently to seek
refuge elsewhere. The basic consensus on the need
for suitable preventive meas¬ures achieved at the
last session represents i first step towards
improving co-operation between coun¬tries and
international institutions to avert new flows of
refugees. We should preserve this consensus. The
Group of Governmental Experts on International
Co¬operation to Avert New Flows of Refugees
should take up its work as soon ac possible.
154. In view of the numerous violations of
human rights throughout the world, it is not
sufficient to profess good intentions. We must
continue to work seriously and with perseverance
to improve the international protection of human
rights. The Govern¬ment of the Federal Republic
of Germany deems it necessary to establish an
international court of human rights for this
purpose, and we attach particular importance to
our initiative on the world-wide abolition of
capital punishment. We know that, owing to
dif¬ferent legal traditions and religious
convictions, many countries may view this
question different^. We advocate, however, that
countries which desire the abolition of capital
Punishment should say so, also internationally,
and they should say it clearly and in a way that
binds them.
155. The world economy is in poor health. This
poses a grave threat to stability and peace. At
the same time, the prospects of eliminating
hunger and want are more unfavorable than ever.
Against the background of high interest rates
there is a continuing recession in industrial
countries. Unemployment rates are rising as a
result. We are also witnessing a decline in
interna¬tional trade and growing protectionist
pressure. These developments are detrimental to
us all, particularly the countries of the third
world.
156. As a result of lower commodity prices, a
con¬tinually high burden caused by the cost of
oil imports and high, fluctuating interest rates,
developing coun¬tries' opportunities for
borrowing are limited. High debt-servicing
charges are a strain on their economies,
stretching them to the limits of their capacity,
or even beyond in some cases. Industrial and
developing coun¬tries must co-operate in a spirit
of partnership in order to restore stable growth
and development in the world economy. The
existing international organizations, such as the
International Monetary Fund [IMF] and the Word
Bank must be kept effective.
157. Another major task will be to preserve
free trade and capital flows. No country should
ignore the commitments it has assumed under GATT.
Anyone who jeopardizes GATT aggravates the
world's eco¬nomic depression.
158. Furthermore, in view of falling commodity
prices we need a world-wide system to stabilize
export earnings.
159. We shall of course seek to increase our
official aid further within the limits of
available funds. Despite the difficult economic
situation, considerable bud¬getary problems, a
decline of 0.3 per cent in its gross national
product and a high deficit on current account,
the Federal Republic of Germany provided official
aid worth 7.2 billion deutsche marks in 1981, or
0.46 per cent of our gross national product—its
biggest amount yet.
160. However, in this situation the developing
coun¬tries will themselves have to make even
greater efforts. Economy, a prudent use of
available capital and a cautious debt policy are
called for. Develop¬ment policy will have to be
focused on particular fields, above all the
promotion of agriculture in the third world,
since this is the sector that determines the
economic growth and the food supply of many third
world countries.
161. Emphasis must also be placed on the
energy sector. For many developing countries the
costs of energy supplies have become an almost
intolerable burden. Consequently, this is a
priority area of develop¬ment aid afforded by the
Federal Republic of Germany. It is in our view
also a contribution to the Nairobi Programme of
Action for the Development and uti¬lization of
New and Renewable Sources of Energy, adopted by
the United Nations Conference on New and
Renewable Sources of Energy.
162. Environmental protection must also be
seen as an important area of co-operation and we
must prevent man from destroying the basis of his
own existence by recklessly polluting the
environment and exhausting valuable resources.
Much important work has to be done in this
respect.
163. Finally, we must not forget that the
growth of the world population can overtake and
nullify all our efforts to ensure greater
international economic stability.
164. The Third United Nations Conference on
the Law of the Sea has made an historic attempt
to develop an international regime for the use of
the world's oceans. The Federal Government played
an active and constructive part in this.
Admittedly, the results have not lived up to our
expectations in every respect. In addition to
certain satisfactory provisions, there are
arrangements on future deep-sea mining which make
it hard Mr us to decide in favor of signing the
Con¬vention. We find it most regrettable that the
Con¬ference was not able to produce results
capable of commanding a consensus. The Federal
Government will take a decision on whether to
sign the Convention after careful consideration
and close consultation with other participants in
the Conference.
166. It is of decisive importance for
co-operation in good faith between industrial and
developing countries that the dialogue between
North and South should not be disrupted. We have
unanimously decided to conduct global
negotiations on the subjects of raw materials,
energy, trade, development, monetary matters and
finance. Together with its partners in the
European Community, the Federal Republic of
Germany urges that these negotiations be started
now. At the economic summit in Versailles a
constructive position on a resolution on the
commencement of global negotiations was
formulated and has since been endorsed by all the
member countries of the Organ¬ization for
Economic Co-operation and Development. Agreement
must now be reached on the early com¬mencement of
global negotiations
167. All too often in past decades the hopes
placed in the United Nations have not been
fulfilled. But we must not overlook the fact that
the United Nations can be no stronger than the
political will of all its Members to work
together responsibly in the spirit of the
Charter. Those that prefer voting on short-term
goals and one-sided resolutions instead of
endeavoring to achieve compromise and consensus
are blocking the way to genuine negotiations in
this forum
168. I welcome the spirit of bold candor and
realism with which the Secretary-General
described the state of the Organization in his
report. I also welcome his constructive proposals
for improving the work of the United Nations and
the part played by the Security Council. My
Government will actively support efforts to that
end.
169. One of the central tasks of the United
Nations is, as before, to make an effective
contribution towards safeguarding world peace.
Its capacity to do so must be enhanced, and
better use must be made of the existing
instruments for this purpose.
170. The foreign policy pursued by the Federal Republic of Germany is and will
always be a policy for peace. We follow this
policy in collaboration with our partners in the
European Community, which is an outward-looking
association alive to its responsi¬bility in the
world, as well as in the alliance with the United
States and Canada.
171. Our peace policy is one of continuity,
based on the conclusions we have drawn from our
own history and conditioned by our situation as a
divided country at the interface between East and
West. This peace policy enjoys wide and broad
support in all sectors of our population. It
cannot be discarded at will. Our paramount task
is to preserve peace. It is not enough to dispel
fear. We must also counter the dangers
threatening us worldwide. As the German
philosopher Immanuel Kant said Peace is not a
natural state; it has to be established and
worked on continuously. To do so, we must make
full use of our powers of reason, of our
political and moral responsibility and of our
determination. We must not believe that what is
true is on one side of the mountain and what is
false is on the other, as Pascal put it. Since
the threats are global, global rules of conduct
must apply. This is the spirit that imbues the
Charter of the United Nations. Only by acting in
this spirit will we be able to pursue an
effective strategy for the safeguarding of peace.