Israel

May I join the representatives who have preceded me in this debate in offering to the President their congratulations on his unanimous election to the high office of President and to you, Sir, to that of Vice-President of the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly. My delegation trusts that the President will guide this session with fairness and wisdom. I have noted with great interest the contents of his thoughtful statement at the opening of this session, and especially his cogent reference to: the inclusion in the agenda of items on so-called crisis situations that produced nothing but sterile debate and diverted attention from the real crises threatening the world with an escalation of the conflict . 58. The annual general debates at the General Assembly provide an occasion for surveying the state of the world, the working of the international system during the preceding year and for a public airing of the hopes and concerns, the expectations and anxieties of our nations. Such a survey will show that the prospects for a better life and for peace for the peoples of the world have hardly been advanced this past year, while new difficulties have been added to the old unresolved problems. 59. Major international problems of an economic, social and military nature have also grown at a rapid rate, and the international system has not been able to cope with them. Many essential problems have not reached the United Nations agenda at all. With regard to others with which the United Nations did engage itself, its contribution has been far from encouraging. Thus, universal disappointment has been caused this year by the failure of the special session on disarmament and the stalemate in the North-South dialogue. 60. The world scene is constantly threatened by simmering conflicts, some of which remain dormant for the time being while others are on the verge of eruption, their solutions eluding international statesmanship. 61. In Afghanistan, the aggressive invasion, occupation and strife continue unabated. A permanent member of the Security Council continues to ignore numerous United Nations resolutions. 62. In both the Horn of Africa and Western Sahara conflicts persist, and the seeds of future violence and bloodshed are being sown with no success achieved through international efforts to defuse those potential volcanoes. 63. Kampuchea remains occupied by Vietnamese troops who have disregarded calls for a withdrawal by the United Nations, ASEAN and other bodies. 64. Only recently we witnessed the violent eruption of the old conflict over the Falkland Islands (Malvinas). Although the United Nations has been involved for years in the question of the sovereignty over those islands, it was unable to prevent war or to stop it. 65. In our region instability is endemic. It arises from a variety of causes, which must be recognized for what they are. In most countries great poverty exists alongside the immense wealth of some of the oil- producing States. Some Governments are alarmed at the rise of fanatical fundamentalist movements. Most countries are governed by regimes that retain absolute power in their hands, and any expression of criticism or opposition is ruthlessly suppressed. Talk of Arab solidarity and unity often conceals or is refuted by a reality of constant strife, tension and friction between neighbouring States. 66. The Moody and senseless war between Iraq and Iran rages on. It has already exacted many thousands of casualties and consumed several scores of billions of dollars which could well have been utilized for development and social progress. 67. Lebanon is beginning to emerge from a seven- year-old conflict in which the Lebanese were occupied and ravaged by their Syrian neighbors and their unwelcome guests, the terrorists of the PLO. 68. I do not mention these conflicts and the chronic instability which produces them in a spirit of criticism or denigration. They are part of the reality with which everyone concerned with durable peace and security in the Middle East has to contend. No magic formula can change this situation or solve the problems that created it. 69. Nevertheless, there are those who suggest, whether out of naivety, ignorance or ill intent, that a solution to the Arab-Israeli dispute would bring peace and stability throughout the Middle East region. The recent events in Lebanon alone demonstrate the fallacy of this suggestion. Some Arab Governments could not resist the temptation to utilize the services of terrorist organizations to settle their scores with other Governments. A small defenseless State, Lebanon, with a weak Government, became an ideal battleground for this purpose. This was compounded by Syria's designs on Lebanon's independence and integrity. The resultant explosion had little or no connection with the Arab-Israeli conflict. The same applies to the Iraq-Iran conflict, the tension between Jordan and Syria and the endless disputes between Libya and the rest of the Arab world. 70. It is frequently claimed that the fault lies, not in the United Nations system, but in its Members, that the Organization merely reflects their failings. This is of course true, but it is equally true that a system which encourages contention rather than compromise, boycott rather than co-operation, confrontation rather than negotiation, hardly meets the needs of a world as diverse as ours in race, religion, culture and social and political practice. 71. Particularly and unnecessarily disruptive is the undue politicization of the United Nations specialized agencies. Instead of devoting themselves to the social, humanitarian, scientific and technical tasks which they were set up to perform and which most of them perform well when allowed to do so, these agencies are only too frequently subverted and misused for partisan interests. Can it be doubted that this is one of the causes for the failure of the United Nations system to contribute effectively towards halting the crises and deterioration in the world economy? 72. I feel that it is appropriate for me at this juncture to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, who has provided us with much food for thought in his provocative and imaginative report on the work of the Organization. I represent a country which most certainly can be said to be reluctant to resort to the Security Council or to use the machinery of the United Nations . The Secretary-General has cogently set out the reasons. I can assure him that the Government of Israel will support constructive and effective measures advancing the prospect of a world in whichóto use his languageóthe small and weak have reliable defense and shelter. At the same time, we shall warn against and oppose steps designed to exploit and abuse the Secretary-General thoughtful proposals as one more tool of political warfare. 73. The principles, upon which the United Nations was founded, as well as the Charter, should have moved the Organization and its Membersóas far back as 30 years agoóto take a stand against the denial on the part of the Arab world of the right of a Member State, Israel, to exist in security. When the United Nations ignored this inalienable obligation, it did so at its peril, undermining its own credibility and moral power. Since then, the United Nations has lacked the courage to rise and condemn any act of aggression, threat, violence, blackmail and terror, both direct and indirect, towards Israel by the Arab States and their accomplices. 74. The Assembly has even chosen to reject the Camp David accords and the Israel-Egyptian peace treaty and has ignored the completion earlier this year of Israel's withdrawal from Sinai. It has devoted much time to other, apparently more congenial, aspects of the Arab-Israeli conflict. 75. Among the thousands of resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council or any other United Nations body during the past 30 years, one will find hardly a single decision or resolution that explicitly condemns by name any Arab State or organization for attacks on Israel or Israelis. During these 30 years, have Arabs never practiced military attacks, terrorist actions, hijacking airplanes, taking hostages, not to speak of the placing of embargoes and blockades and any similar hostile act which international law would even define as a casus belli the Arab States and their terror organizations always appear to be innocent and injured; offended but never offending. 76. United Nations documentation is replete with anti-Israel resolutions, which have increased yearly in both number and length, overflowing with distorted suppositions, arbitrary statements and one-sided and destructive recommendations and decisions. Even the discussion of the establishment of a nuclear- weapon-free zone in the Middle East did not escape the bane of politicization and partisanship. The consensus attained on this issue in the Assembly in 1980 was wrecked last year. We hope that it can be restored, and we stand by our statements made here in the past. None of the many differences between the States of the Middle East should be permitted to stand in the way of a nuclear-weapon-free zone. This we owe to our children and their common future. The Government of Israel stands ready to begin negotiations to this end with all Middle Eastern States at once, anywhere and without pre-conditions. 77. Double standards and distortion have spread from General Assembly and committee discussions to other United Nations bodies, including the Security Council, and from there to the directives given to the United Nations forces and instrumentalities in the Middle East. A notable case is the misuse of UNRWA. That Agency was charged with the rehabilitation of refugees but became a tool to preserve the refugee camps, in which idle people were subjected to incitement and coercion in the service of terrorist organizations. 78. The specialized agencies, such as WHO, ILO and so on have also been exploited for the purpose of propaganda warfare against Israel, overstepping their areas of responsibility and competence. Last week at the General Conference of IAEA great damage was done to the integrity of that Agency and the whole United Nations system when the credentials of the delegation of Israel were rejected in a blatant exercise of political abuse and discrimination. 79. The accumulated effect of these distortions and shortcomings could be clearly seen in Lebanon. There developed a threat to Israel, as well as to the welfare and independence of Lebanon, a base for international terror and a large heavily armed force which was being put into action in constantly escalating attacks on the villages and towns of northern Israel. 80. Benefiting from the respectability and prestige bestowed by United Nations resolutions, the PLO entrenched itself in Lebanon and set up a pirate State within a State, forcing a regime of terror on the Palestinians and Lebanese. The PLO's terrorist bases, designed for attacks on Israel and to serve international terror, operated and grew unhindered within camps marked by UNRWA signs and enjoying welfare payments contributed for humanitarian purposes. Behind the backs of the United Nations peace-keeping forces in southern Lebanon the terrorists built a military infrastructure and huge arms stores, in preparation for a combined Arab assault against Israel from the north and the east. 81. Had we allowed United Nations resolutions, as distinct from the Charter, to determine what might or might not be done in Arab-Israeli relations, our future would have been destruction. Those resolutions allowed Arab countries to pursue their belligerence against Israelómilitary, political, economic and so forthóand the PLO could continue its terror warfare against Israel, Israelis and Jews, without any restriction by the United Nations. The enemies of Israel felt that they could embark on a full-scale military attack whenever they judged the hour to be right, knowing full wel that the United Nations would not move a finger to stop them. 82. It is sufficient to recall United Nations behavior in 1967, when discussion in the Security Council of the warlike steps Egypt had carried out in May and June 1967 was prevented. It is enough to be reminded of the apathy with which the United Nations reacted when Egypt and Syria broke the cease-fire and launched a co-ordinate surprise attack on Israel on Yom Kippur 1973. 83. Even the information at our disposal before the Peace for Galilee operation in early June did not foresee all that we found in the terrorists' bases, headquarters, arms and ammunition reservoirs, operational documents and so forth. We received concrete proof of planned, large-scale aggression which was to have taken place in the near future. 84. Lebanese and also Palestinians who for years suffered from PLO terror and feared to divulge what had happened to them are now free to unmask the true face of the PLO in action. They corroborate our gravest suspicions. 85. The entire international community has the responsibility and should have the courage to stand up and formally ban PLO terrorism and expel its representatives from every self-respecting State and every international body. The United Nations and its agencies cannot begin the process of rehabilitation and revitalization as long as such organizations and their representatives are permitted to set foot in a civilized forum. 86. Thirty-seven years ago, with the defeat of nazism, we all believed that the civilized world had learned the lesson of anti-Semitism that led to its most terrible expressionógenocide. Unfortunately, this monster is raising its ugly head once again. Often, attacks on Israel or Zionism in international forums serve as a transparent mask for anti-Semitism. The State of Israel, which is the fulfillment of the Jewish national movement, cannot and will not passively accept a resurgence of this evil ideology. We call on all self- respecting people and Governments to join in a renewed solemn undertaking to stamp out anti-Semitism, in all its forms and expressions, from human society. 87. It is a stain on our civilization and on the Governments directly concerned that Jewish communities in the Soviet Union and in Syria remain deprived of their human rights, especially the basic right to leave and take up residence in countries of their choice. The State of Israel, national homeland of the Jewish people, cannot and will not rest until these rights are granted. 88. Just four years ago the leaders of Egypt, Israel and the United States concluded an historic agreement at Camp David. Egypt assumed the role of pioneer among Arab States. The two neighbors accepted each other's right to exist behind secure and recognized borders. The negotiations were long and arduous. Israel's sacrifices and the risks it undertook in the implementation of the Camp David accords were heavy. A framework for general peace was pains-takingly devised. Egypt, Israel and the United States repeatedly countered criticism of the Camp David accords, emphasizing that these accords were the only agreed, and therefore the only viable, path to peace between Israel and its neighbors. 89. Our approach is practical and realistic. We are ready to renew negotiations toward the establishment of the self-governing authority for the Arab inhabitants of Judea, Samaria and Gaza District, as provided for in the autonomy plan. The representatives who will be elected to the administrative council will be empowered to speak for the population and negotiate on the future status. There is a great deal of logic in the provisions specified in the Camp David agreement that the final status of these areas should not be negotiated at the present stage. We remain convinced that to focus now on what is beyond the horizon is a sure way of inviting failure. 90. Israel would welcome additional partners to the process, as provided for in the Camp David accords. We firmly believe that agreement is achievable. There is no need to introduce new concepts and approaches which were discarded or not accepted at Camp David. We are not prepared, for instance, to reopen the debate on issues, such as the creation of a second Palestinian Arab State, which were rejected at Camp David in favor of more realistic and acceptable solutions. 91. As for the refugee status in which many Palestinian Arabs have been kept over all the years since 1948, this is shameful testimony to the cynical exploitation of human suffering for political ends by Arab Governments. The number of Palestinian Arab refugees in 1948 was about 350,000. There is no lack of land or financial resources in Arab lands, including Palestinian territory in Trans-Jordan, to provide them with homes and employment. Israel did as much and even more, with meager resources, for some 800,000 Jews who left or fled from Arab and Moslem lands after 1948. The humanitarian aspect of this problem could have been solved several times over in the intervening years. 92. In addition to creating a Palestine problem and using it as a weapon against Israel, Arab Governments instituted a boycott against Israel in almost every sphere of human endeavor and supported the terrorist organizations' attacks on Israel. Against this background of active and sustained belligerency, it is ludicrous to search for moderation in possible hints contained in Arab summit resolutions, including the recent one at Fez. Any change toward moderation must first be reflected in deeds and facts. 93. The Arab leaders responsible for this campaign against Israel have inflicted much suffering on the Palestinian Arabs without bringing them any closer to a solution of their problems. History will record the fact that Israel did more for the Palestinian Arabs and their welfare than their Arab brethren. 94. Israel remains faithful to its commitment under the Camp David accords. Israel has cautioned against attempts to reinterpret, renegotiate or bypass them. These accords are the only accepted blueprint for the implementation of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). Pressing Israel for more territorial withdrawals will not bring peace. Indeed, there is no peace without security, and further territorial amputations negate security. Those of Israel's neighbors who seek peace and coexistence will find Israel a willing partner. But those who think that they can weaken Israel while dangling the word peace as a bait are deluding themselves. The reward for peace is peace itself. There can be no greater recompense in such a vital and noble cause. 95. The foul massacre of civilians in the camps at Beirut brought a wave of shock, outrage and revulsion in Israel. The perpetrators of this crime are well known. They were not Israeli. Nevertheless, there were manifestations of blind hatred and false accusations leveled at Israel from a number of quarters. Such actions are outrageous and deserve universal condemnation. 96. AH those who proceed along this path must realize that by such action they are weakening the chances of peace and encouraging those elements in the Middle East whose interests are served by radicalization and violence. The Middle East is sorely in need of good counsel, moderation, much patience and a sincere desire for coexistence of diverse ideas, ideologies, faiths and communities. Israel, for its part, is ready to participate in and contribute to the creation of such a reality and atmosphere in the Middle East.