Sir, I should like at the outset to extend to
you, on behalf of the delegation of the
Democratic Republic of the Sudan, sincere
congratulations upon your election as President
of this session of the General Assembly. We are
confident that your experience and wisdom will
enable you to lead our deliberations successfully.
46. We should also like to take this
opportunity to express to your predecessor, Mr.
Kittani, our deep appreciation of his
indefatigable efforts for the success - of the
thirty-sixth session, and to wish him all the
best in his future endeavors.
47. Since this is the first regular session
of the General Assembly since the election of the
new Secre¬tary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de
Cuellar, I should like to congratulate him first
on his election, and secondly on his excellent
report on the work of the Organization. The
report is of special importance, in our view, for
two reasons: first, for its candour and courage
in identifying the weakness in the Organi¬zation
and of its authority, and secondly, for its
timeliness, as it was released at a time when the
authority and prestige of the Organization were
waning and when the Security Council, the
principal organ entrusted with the maintenance of
peace and security, was almost paralysed.
48. We say this with specific reference to
the failure of the Security Council to deter
Israel and to put an end to its aggressive
actions, the latest of which was the invasion and
occupation of Lebanon and of its capital, Beirut
and the genocide carried out against Palestinians
and Lebanese in southern Lebanon and west Beirut
which culminated in the massacres at the Shatila
and Sabra refugee camps. Session after session,
the overwhelming majority of the members of the
international community represented in the
Assembly have warned about and called attention
to the aggres¬sive nature of Israel, its
expansionist policies and its sinister design to
exterminate the Palestinian people. Its latest
act of aggression against Lebanon and the
Palestinians is but additional proof of those
sinister designs.
49. The records attests to this assertion:
first, the Israeli invasion of Lebanon was
mounted under extremely dubious pretexts at a
time when the PLO was fully respecting the 1981
cease-fire agreement; secondly, the invasion and
the genocide that followed took place at a time
when the Security Council was constantly meeting,
adopting resolution after resolu¬tion to no
avail; thirdly, the invasion and its gruesome
aftermath took place while the whole world,
through the mass media, was watching the carnage;
fourthly, Israel persisted in its barbaric
activities in Lebanon despite the advice, the
warning, the opposition and the denunciation of
the whole international community, including
Israel's allies; fifthly, Israel not only defied
the resolutions of the General Assembly and of
the Security Council, but went further, defying
and brushing aside the authority of the Security
Council represented by the United Nations
peace-keeping forces in southern Lebanon:
sixthly, the Beirut mas¬sacre was a further
manifestation not only of Israel's defiance of
the United Nations but also of its defiance of
the whole international community and of its
Mends when it blatantly violated the Beirut
agreement, under which the Palestinian fighters
left Beirut, leaving thousands of Palestinian
civilians under the sole protection of the
guarantees contained in that agreement.
50. Israel is committing all these atrocities
under the pretext of defending its security. What
kind of security is Israel referring to? Is it
the indefinable security that was the pretext for
bombing the Iraqi nuclear research centre,
hundreds of miles away and across the territory
of two sovereign countries at a time when the
Israeli nuclear reactor in Daymona operates
outside the obligations contained in the Treaty
on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and
outside the monitoring and safe¬guards of IAEA?
Is it the security that was the pretext for
annexing Arab Jerusalem and declaring it the
eternal capital of Israel over the objection of
the world and against the resolutions of the
General Assembly and of the Security Council? Is
it the security that was the pretext for
occupying and then annexing the Syrian Golan
Heights, the strategic heights that overlook
Damascus? Is it the security that was the pretext
for the perpetual occupation of the West Bank and
for the planting of fortified settlements and
armed settlers in the midst of hundreds of
thou¬sands of unarmed Palestinian villagers? Is
it the secu¬rity that was the pretext for
storming through southern Lebanon, destroying its
towns and villages, besieging Beirut and
interring in Lebanon's internal affairs after
violating its sovereignty and destroying its
national unity? Is it, in the final analysis, the
security that was the pretext for exterminating
thousands of unarmed Palestinians, women, old
peo¬ple and children, because more than 30 years
of homelessness and oppression had not silenced
their demands for the fulfilment of their
legitimate rights?
51. What security and secure boundaries does
Israel want? Is it the kind of security that does
not recognize the right of others to security or
the kind where bound¬aries are continuously
shifting and expanding? Is it not painfully
puzzling that some of us still argue that peace
in the Middle East will not obtain unless
Israel's security is guaranteed? To whom are the
security guarantees more vital: to Israel, that
spreads its troops and modem war machine all over
the region; or to Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, the
other Arab coun¬tries and the homeless
Palestinian people, victims of daily Israeli
aggression?
52. We have opted and we shall continue to
opt for peace, peace that is based on justice and
not peace imposed by guns. The Twelfth Arab
Summit Confer¬ence at Fez clearly reflected this
strong commitment to just and lasting peace in
the Middle East, peace that will guarantee the
security of all States in the region and the
achievement of the inalienable rights of the
Palestinian people, including their right to
self-determination and to the establishment of
their State on their land. That peace will not be
achieved unless the Palestinians, represented by
the PLO, their sole legitimate representative,
participate in negotiating that peace.
53. It is now abundantly clear to the
Assembly, which represents the conscience of the
international community, that a just and lasting
peace in the Middle East cannot be achieved
without a just and lasting solution to the
Palestinian question, which remains the core of
the Middle East conflict. This solution must
guarantee the achievement of the inalienable
rights of the Palestinian people, including their
right to self-determination, sovereignty and
independence and to the establishment of their
independent State on their land. This will not be
achieved without ensuring Israeli compliance with
the resolutions of the Security Council and the
General Assembly calling for the total and
unconditional withdrawal of Israel from all Arab
territories occupied since 1967, including Arab
Jerusalem, and for the realization of the
legitimate rights of the Palestinian people.
54. At the Fez Conference the Arabs were
unani¬mous concerning peace based on justice, and
con¬firmed their genuine desire for it. In our
view, the Fez decision has created, for the first
time in the history of this issue, a favorable
climate for all parties con¬cerned to bring about
a just settlement of the conflict in the Middle
East, especially bearing in mind the new,
positive development in the American attitude.
This is reflected in President Reagan's
initiative and his expressed desire for a
peaceful settlement that will end the tragic
suffering in the Middle East.
55. We welcome all the efforts now being
exerted to ensure a just settlement of the Middle
East prob¬lem and hope that those efforts and
endeavors will not be nullified by the
intransigence of the Israeli Government.
56. In surveying the present international
situation, we clearly note the gap between the
prevailing situa¬tion in international relations
and that situation which the peoples of the world
aspire to in regard to the realization of
international peace and security. The problems we
are facing are becoming more complicated and
hotbeds of tension and conflict throughout the
world continue to pose serious threats to
international peace and security.
57. The Sudan is following with increasing
concern the Iran-Iraqi war, which has been going
on for more than two years now despite all
efforts to stop it. From this rostrum, we commend
the Iraqi initiatives and efforts, made within
and outside the United Nations, to stop the
suffering of the peoples of those two Moslem
countries. We call on Iran to respond positively
to those efforts so that Moslem resources and
wealth can be utilized for the good of the Moslem
nation.
58. The Sudan firmly believes in the
principles of respect for the sovereignty and
independence of all countries and peoples, the
illegality of intervention in all its forms in
internal affairs, the inadmissibility of the use
or threat of use of force in international
relations and the necessity of halting all forms
of aggression and pressure—covert or overt—that
threaten the sovereignty and political
independence of other countries.
59. That is why we view with anxiety the
presence of foreign troops in Afghanistan and
Kampuchea. We reiterate our call for the
withdrawal of all foreign troops so that the
peoples of those two countries can exercise their
inalienable right to decide on the politi¬cal,
social and economic systems they deem fit for
their countries, without foreign intervention or
domi¬nation.
60. We also hope that efforts to arrive at a
just and peaceful solution to the questions of
Korea and Cyprus will meet with success and bring
peace, stability, development and national unity,
which are the aspirations of the peoples of those
countries.
61. The Sudan is following with great concern
and attention the developments of the political
situation in South Africa. In this regard, it is
about time for the racist clique in Pretoria to
learn that neither peripheral nor cosmetic
changes can remedy that abhorrent situation. What
is needed is radical and far-reaching change that
will abolish the apartheid system and establish a
just and democratic society, where the majority
enjoy their freedom as well as their inalien¬able
sovereign rights. It is our conviction that, no
matter how long it takes, that goal will be
achieved through the ongoing heroic struggle of
the national resistance movement in South Africa.
62. One cannot venture to address the
problems in southern Africa without addressing
the question of Namibia, which the international
community had expected would take its rightful
place in this body.
It is time for the international community to put
an end to the delay in the settlement of the
Namibian issue. It is our understanding that the
latest round of negotiations has achieved some
positive results, which we hope will lead to the
adoption of accelerated measures in implementing
the peaceful plan for the independence of Namibia
in accordance with Security Council resolution
435 (1978).
63. We in the Sudan hail the heroic role of
the South West Africa People's Organization
[SWAPO] and its capable handling of the arduous
negotiations despite the maneuvers employed by
South Africa in that process. We also commend the
role of the front¬line African States and the
wisdom, co-operation and flexibility they
exhibited in the course of those negotiations.
Moreover, we appreciate the role played by the
Western contact group in the initial efforts,
which helped make possible the adoption of
resolu¬tion 435 (1978). However, now more than
ever before, we urge the contact group, to do its
utmost to exert the necessary influence on South
Africa so that it will meet its commitment as
stipulated in the plan within the framework of a
declared timetable, before we lose this valuable
opportunity, which may be the last. It is also
imperative that such a move ultimately lead to
the peaceful termination of the illegal
occupation of Namibia by South Africa and allow
the people of Namibia to exercise their
legitimate right to self- determination.
64. In view of its commitment to the cause of
African liberation in general and the
independence of Namibia in particular, as well as
its uncompromising belief in the effective role
which the United Nations must play in settling
the Namibian problem, the Sudan has agreed in
principle to participate in the United Nations
peace-keeping force envisaged for the
transitional period of the implementation of the
independence plan for Namibia. This was
originally stated by President Jaafar Mohamed al
Nemery, at the thirty- third session of the
General Assembly meeting, in his capacity as
Chairman of the Assembly of Heads of State and
Government of the Organization of African Unity
in 1978. We should like once again to confirm
from this rostrum the fact that we agree to
participate in the United Nations peace¬keeping
force for Namibia. That participation is, indeed,
in pursuance of our African obligations to render
moral and material support to SWAPO and to the
people of Namibia to enable them to manage their
own affairs after independence.
65. Despite the aspirations that led the
international community to convene the second
special session devoted to disarmament, last
June, that session failed to meet those
aspirations to even the minimum degree.
66. However, the failure of that session
should not preclude us from stressing the
importance of the comprehensive programme of
disarmament, which would determine the specific
measures of disarmament which should be
implemented within a defined time¬frame, as well
as other measures to prepare the way for future
negotiations leading towards general and complete
disarmament. Priority in disarmament negotiations
should be given to nuclear weapons, and then
other weapons of mass destruction, including
chemical weapons and any others which may be
deemed to be excessively injurious or o have
indiscriminate effects.
67. The Sudan firmly believes that the
establish¬ment of nuclear-weapon-free zones on
the basis of agreements or arrangements freely
reached among the States of the zones concerned
constitutes an important disarmament measure. In
that conviction, the Sudan has consistently
supported the efforts of the Organiza¬tion to
transform the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace,
free from the arms race and foreign military
presence manifested in the form of military bases
and installation, nuclear weapons and other
weapons of mass destruction, and any
manifestation of great- Power rivalry.
68. To that end the Sudan will spare no
effort, in sincere co-operation with the States
of the region, to crystallize the concept of
'.the Red Sea as a lake of peace free from
big-Power military strategic rivalry.
71. Faithful to the decisions of the OAU, the
Sudan also consistently stresses the necessity to
transform the African continent into a
nuclear-weapon-free zone and eliminate all forms
of foreign influence and intervention therein.
72. The economic reports issued recently by
Govern¬ments and various bodies of the United
Nations system all indicate that the present
international economic crisis is the most serious
crisis since the 1930s. This evaluation is made
more disturbing by all the economic indicators in
developed countries. Unemployment has broken all
the records of the past 50 years. Growth rates
are becoming slower than ever and inflation is
not yet under control. Trade restrictions and
barriers threaten the world with new trade wars
that would complete the similarity between the
current crisis and that of the 1930s.
73. The most dangerous aspect of the present
crisis is its devastating impact on the economies
of the developing countries, particularly the
least developed and the African countries, and
its negative impact on international economic
co-operation, which is characterized at present
by a diminished commitment to multilateralism and
a decline in official develop¬ment assistance,
which is essential to the development efforts of
he least developed countries. The financial
crisis in UNDP and the difficulties connected
with the sixth replenishment of the International
Develop¬ment Association and other international
development institutions are clear proofs of this
dangerous trend.
74. The Sudan and the other least developed
coun¬tries are the hardest hit by the
international economic crisis, and the least
capable of cushioning the recur¬rent
international economic shocks. Despite this
unfavorable international economic climate, the
Sudan is endeavoring to overcome its economic
problems with a two-pronged approach. The first
is self-reliance and the mobilization and
involvement of its citizens and regions in the
process of development. The second is the
utilization of bilateral, regional and
international economic co-operation for its
benefit and that of its partners.
75. The most outstanding achievement
internally is the implementation of the new
regional government system in the Sudan, a
country with a territory of 1 million square
miles, which must broaden the political and
economic participation and involvement of all
parts of the country. Under this system, the
Sudan is divided into six regions, each with a
parliament, a cabinet and a governor, enjoying
wide powers, especially in economic and social
development and the provision of various
services. It is our hope that the application of
this system will accelerate regional development,
consolidate the principle of self-reliance and
facilitate the fair distribution of the fruits of
economic and social development throughout the
country.
76. In spite of our own efforts and
self-reliance, we have to admit that the present
stage in the prevail¬ing international economic
situation necessitates increasing support from
the international community for our development
efforts, particularly through increasing official
development assistance, bilaterally and
multilateral, and technical co-operation through
UNDP and other United Nations agencies.
77. True to its racial, cultural and
historical identity, the Sudan, which belongs to
the Arab African region, has worked actively for
Afro-Arab solidarity and the strengthening of the
machinery and economic and political institutions
that serve that end. In Africa the Sudan
consistently calls for adherence to the policy of
good-neighborliness, the non-use of force and the
peaceful settlement of disputes through political
solutions, because these are the lasting
solutions. We do this in the conviction that such
a policy will bring Africa peace, stability and
progress. Only in that way can Africa channel all
its abilities towards develop¬ment and
construction, rather than waste them in disputes
and conflicts. Africa is in great need of the
tractor and other means of construction rather
than the cannon and other means of destruction.
78. Matching words with deeds, the Sudan
works seriously for the strengthening of
relations with neighbouring countries. Bilateral
and tripartite ministerial committees have been
established with many of those countries, with a
view to consolidating and strengthening those
relations, ensuring respect for the independence
and security of those countries, the well-being
of their peoples and the enhancement of their
socio-economic development.
79. As a result of that conviction, and with
the aim of achieving such objectives, a charter
of integration between Egypt and the Sudan has
been drafted and will be signed in the next few
days. This charter represents the organizational
framework for steering the development process in
the two countries through the implementation of a
number of projects of eco¬nomic, social and
cultural integration. By establishing such an
interaction, the Sudan and Egypt are attempting
to create an example of regional co-oper¬ation.
The charter of integration between the Sudan and
Egypt constitutes a serious step towards the
achievement of regional co-operation and
integration in Africa, in accordance with the
Lagos Plan of Action adopted by the OAU Assembly
of Heads of State and Government in April 1980.2
80. The OAU was created as an embodiment of
African wisdom inspire by a heritage deeply
rooted in historyand as a manifestation of
Africa's ability to overcome all the obstacles in
its path. Since its inception in 1963 the
organization has upheld the same lofty and noble,
principles and objectives as the United Nations.
As envisaged by its founding fathers, the OAU has
come to be regarded as a tributary of this
international Organization whose aim it is to
strengthen and uphold the same ideals and
principles. Throughout the years the OAU has
proved to be resilient in the face of the
afflictions and crises it has faced, and it has
proved stronger than the problems imposed upon
it. It has also resisted attempts to weaken it or
disrupt its unity or to hinder the achieve¬ment
of its objectives. The OAU has continued to be
the embodiment of the conviction of all African
peoples that solving African problems is the
respon-sibility of the Africans themselves and
should be faced with African wisdom and
determination and dealt with through the
institutions and machinery devised at sessions of
the OAU Assembly for the settlement of these
problems. We trust that, despite the crises it
faces today, that organization will be able to
contain the differences confronting it. Faithful
to the objec¬tives and principles of the OAU, the
Sudan and its African brothers will spare no
effort to enable the organization to overcome
those differences and to attain the objectives
for which it has been created.
81. Unlike other least developed countries,
the Sudan suffers not only from the impact of the
international economic crisis but also from a
continuous influx of refugees, which adds an
additional burden that drains resources and
efforts already earmarked for financial, economic
and social development. The refugees registered
by the United Nations in the Sudan total more
than a half million, although the number actually
entering the country across the borders with its
eight neighbors far exceeds that. In spite of
this heavy burden and its disruptive
consequences, the Sudan has succeeded in
developing a unique experiment in the field of
receiving and caring for refugees. Our experience
in rehabilitating refugees, in an exemplary
manner commended by the international community,
has enriched the experience of the Sudanese
authorities concerned and created an able cadre
in that Held. As a result, the problem of the
refugees in the Sudan has gone from the stage of
immediate relief to a system of planning for the
relocation of refugees in well-prepared
accommodations, together with basic educational
and health services and employment opportunities,
which allow the refugees to become independent.
82. To implement these projects, the Sudan
made considerable efforts to mobilize resources
from Governments, international organizations and
volun¬tary agencies. In this context, in June
1980 the Sudan organized the International
Conference on Refugees, in Khartoum, and declared
1980 the Year of Refugees in the Sudan. In
continuation of those efforts an inter¬national
seminar was held in Khartoum on 11 Sep¬tember of
this year. Participants in that seminar included
international experts in the field of refugee
problems as well as representatives of the
refugees themselves. The seminar discussed a
number of issues, the most important being the
integration of the refugee projects into local
and national develop¬ment plans. The Sudan has
always pursued positive policies on refugee
questions, for humane and ethical reasons, and
also in compliance with regional and
international instruments—to which the Sudan is a
party and which it has incorporated in its
Constitu¬tion—as well as practices, providing for
such rights.
83. The Sudan welcomed the convening of the
International Conference on Assistance to
Refugees in Africa, held at Geneva in April 1981,
and commended its outcome as a step in the right
direction to be followed by other international
measures commensurate with the needs of those
refugees, taking into account their continuous
influx and the negative impact on the host
countries and peoples.
84. My delegation would like to reiterate the impor¬tance of holding
a follow-up conference in 1983 to evaluate the
progress achieved in the implementation of the
recommendations and decisions of the first
Conference, to consider ways and means of
over¬coming the difficulties and problems
hindering the implementation of some of the
recommendations and decisions of that Conference
and to urge the inter¬national community to
honour its commitments to African refugees and
African host countries.
85. At the thirty-sixth session I con¬cluded
my statement to the Assembly by reaffirming the
Sudan's unequivocal belief in the role of the
United Nations, particularly with respect to the
maintenance of international peace and security.
Today I shall conclude by reiterating our call
for the con¬solidation and strengthening of the
United Nations, especially the Security Council,
so that the Organi¬zation can fulfill its basic
role in the maintenance of peace. The
Secretary-General's report on the work of the
Organization has courageously and frankly
reflected the concerns of the majority of the
Member States about what has become of the
Organization and of its role in the maintenance
of international peace and security. We hope that
the Secretary- General's ideas and proposals will
be seriously considered by all Member States, and
particularly by the Security Council—perhaps at a
high-level meeting, as the Secretary-General has
proposed. In this regard it suffices to submit
the following observations.
86. First, we agree with the
Secretary-General that the establishment of the
collective security system provided for in the
Charter is the only way for the United Nations to
carry out its basic task. Reinforcing the
collective security system would protect the
small and weak nations and save the vast
resources now wasted on armaments in a world that
respects only force.
87. Secondly, the reluctance of some States
to resort to the Security Council for the
settlement of disputes or the maintenance of
peace or to do so only when it is too late,
defeats the main objective behind its creation.
It is worth mentioning here that adjudication by
the Council must be coupled with an absolute
commitment on the part of Council members,
especially ifs permanent members, which have a
special responsibility in this respect, just as
they have special rights, to fulfill their
responsibility.
88. Thirdly, the Security Council must
consider appropriate ways of making Member States
observe and respect its decisions. The Council
will have to be ready to deal with those States
which violate its decisions.
89. Fourthly, the role played by the United
Nations peace-keeping forces cannot be separated
from the efficacy of the Council in exercising
its authority and using its prestige and in
ensuring that its resolutions will be
implemented. Peace-keeping forces, as we all
know, are a moral rather than a military
deterrent. We believe that the
Secretary-General's proposal for strengthening
peace-keeping operations through collective
guarantees is a matter which deserves serious
study.
90. In conclusion, the commitment of Member
States to the Charter and its objectives is the
only guarantee of its effectiveness in
maintaining international peace and security and
ensuring prosperity for all the peoples of the
world.