On behalf of the Government of Haiti and in my own name, Sir, I wish
to congratulate you most warmly on your election to the presidency of
the thirty- seventh session of the General Assembly. I am sure that
you will demonstrate those outstanding qualities that won you this
distinction. I wish also to pay a well-deserved tribute to Mr.
Kittani, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs of Iraq, for the discreet
and able manner in which he presided over the work of the
thirty-sixth session. I should particularly like to join preceding
speakers in congratulating Mr. Perez de Cuellar, Secretary-General,
whose election to head the Organization is unquestionably a source of
deep satisfaction for all third-world countries. May I take this
occasion to emphasize the high quality of his report on the work of
the Organization, a report which lucidly depicts the shortcomings of
the United Nations, as well as the overriding need to strengthen its
decision-making machinery.
This session has opened in a tense atmosphere dominated by a note of
anguish in the statements, which have persistently reflected the
international community's concerns about the general deterioration in
the political and economic situation throughout the world.
While the industrialized countries may perceive current economic
problems more in terms of cyclical or less extreme fluctuations, the
third world as a whole-particularly the least-favoured countries-
still believe that the structural imbalance between North and South
has become even greater and is now dangerously close to the point of
collapse. Most third world country delegations, from whatever
continent they may come, have spoken with one voice from this rostrum
of the tragic expansion of areas of poverty in their respective
regions. They have described the growing distress of impoverished
populations desperately trying to eke out a meagre existence which
becomes more precarious with every passing day. Hence we small
nations have no illusions when we wonder about our future.
For almost a decade now, negotiations on the establishment of a new
economic order-one that would be more just, more harmonious, but also
more efficient-have come up against a lack of true political will on
the part of the rich countries to make the adjustments essential to
any genuine effort at solidarity. Clearly, there is no real prospect
for altering the current international order. The institutional,
financial and technical measures required for sustained expansion of
the world economy and for a swifter growth in the developing
countries are still being awaited. Meanwhile, the terms of trade are
deteriorating at a catastrophic pace, and third-world debt has now
risen to $600 billion.
At the same time, there is no growth in official development
assistance, which has never reached that famous target of 0.7 per
cent of the gross national product of the rich countries, or less
than 5 per cent of annual arms expenditures. Indeed the Brandt
Commission' noted ironically that the machinery of death was that
which involved the greatest and most dynamic transfer of technology.
Even the new law of the sea, which is based mainly on the concept of
balanced participation in the exploitation of common wealth, is
challenged because of the regrettable selfishness of certain
industrialized nations.
It is also most distressing to note that no systematic campaign has
been undertaken to explain to the people of the rich countries that
effective solidarity with the poor countries is less a moral
imperative than an irreplaceable factor for economic growth at the
world level; for there is no better way of stimulating the production
and distribution of goods and services than a determination to
satisfy the basic needs of billions of individuals who have not yet
enjoyed the material benefits of even the most elementary progress.
There is no nobler task than that of contributing to the betterment
of human beings who have been left on the sidelines of progress by
hunger, ignorance and disease.
It is time for the collective conscience of the industrialized countries
to stop looking upon international co-operation as a burden on the
rich, as alms given to those countries that are supposedly incapable
of looking after their own future. It is time for the people in the
rich countries to understand that the new international economic
order will not jeopardize the prosperity of the countries of the
North but will rather give a new impetus to the world economy and
provide for more equitable distribution of the fruits of growth.
A/37/PV.27
The Republic of Haiti remains convinced that the market economy,
which at the national level has in some countries been able to adapt
to the requirements of more human socio-economic development, will al
so at the international level find the necessary resources to
establish a new kind of relationship that is more just and more
beneficial. To that end more appropriate and generous action is
required on the part of the public authorities of the industrialized
countries. World phenomena have to be analyzed more objectively and
to be less influenced by national experiences that are hard to
imitate in different circumstances. To sum up, we need courage,
imagination and a better sense of international solidarity. Some rich
countries do not lack those qualities, and we should like to pay a
tribute to them here.
The problems of the developing countries, to which we have referred
briefly, assume the dimensions of a real tragedy in the case of the
least developed. In the last decade their per capita gross national
product in real terms rose by only $11. Closer to us, the combined
effects of world recession and inflation and the recent spiraling of
interest rates, along with a collapse in the price of commodities,
have tragically emphasized their economic vulnerability and paralyzed
their ability, which was already rather pathetic, to import those
goods that are essential to their development.
Admittedly, the fifth session of UNCTAD, in Manila in 1979 and the
United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, in Paris
in 1981 did decide to launch a new programmer and set forth a number
of objectives that were ambitious and realistic, including the figure
of 0.15 per cent of the gross national product of donor countries for
official development aid to the least developed countries.
Unfortunately the commitments formally entered into on those
occasions have not yet been fulfilled. Thus it seems difficult for us
today to speak about a real desire to stabilize export earnings, to
increase external assistance qualitatively and quantitatively.
How, under these circumstances, can we hope, as we had hoped, to
eliminate the category of least developed countries and ensure that
by the end of the 1980s they will have joined the ranks of the
developing countries? How can we not doubt the ability of the
international system to provide elements for the solving of the
problems of the third world, even if it was impossible to take
adequate action for this small group of least advanced countries?
The Republic of Haiti, which more than any other country has
throughout its history as a sovereign nation experienced the cost of
isolation and exploitation resulting from the selfish game played by
the big Powers, solemnly repeats its appeal for a truly constructive
North-South dialogue. President Jean-Claude Duvalier has said that:
"The Republic of Haiti continues to believe in the future of global
negotiations for the establishment of a new international economic
order which would enable the poor populations of the third world to
attain a threshold of development compatible with the dignity of the
human race and the right of every individual to a decent standard of
living."
Yet above all the third world countries must understand that if they
want to progress towards prosperity they must first of all rely on
themselves and fully shoulder their collective autonomy. They must
systematically explore the tremendous potential of co-operation among
developing countries in the financial, technical, trade, industrial
and cultural fields. The Republic of Haiti reiterates its absolute belief
in active and intelligent harmonization among the nations of the
South based on mutual respect and understanding to generate concrete
actions that would be of mutual benefit in an intraregional and
interregional context.
Beyond the ideological positions that are inevitably stated in the
general debate, every statement here reflects the collective
aspiration to an international political order that would bring peace
and progress. However, the state of the world today clearly shows if
not the failure at least the profound inability of mankind to face
successfully the many sociopolitical upheavals that are
characteristic of our age. There are so many problems that have not
been solved, and they create new divisions and increase the tension
which here and there has led to permanent situations of crisis, overt
or latent. Despite the belief constantly expressed by Member States
in the values of the Charter, the machinery for peace and
international security seems to be blocked, as can be seen from the
world situation today.
In the Middle East the situation remains explosive. Recent events in
Lebanon and their hideous cruelty continue to horrify the conscience
of the world and confirm, if there were any need for that, that
action by the Organization is necessary to establish overall peace in
the region. Contrasting with this background of absurd violence, some
bilateral and multilateral initiatives have been taken. They are
worthwhile and encouraging, and we trust that they can bring about a
resumption of dialogue, which is so necessary for peace and essential
in dealing with the fundamental issue of the future of the
Palestinian people.
The Government of Haiti remains firmly convinced that Security
Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) provide the basis for
an overall settlement of the Middle East problem. The Haitian
Government believes that the search for peace necessarily involves
all of Israel's neighbors recognizing and respecting its right to
exist within secure and recognized borders. Likewise we believe that
there can be no question of challenging the right of the Palestinian
people to real self-determination within a physical, legal and
administrative framework that is in keeping with its legitimate
aspirations.
Latin America is also going through a turbulent period, and there is
an atmosphere of uncertainty because of the consequences of the
conflict relating to the Malvinas Islands and the difficult situation
in Central America. The recent war in the South Atlantic and the
bloodshed it involved highlighted the remnants of a way of life that
has clearly passed. Indeed it placed a severe strain on the peace of
the region and undermined the solidarity of the continent.
The Republic of Haiti, faithful to its past and respectful of its
traditions, has never hesitated to oppose all forms of colonial
domination, and naturally expressed its solidarity with the just
claims of the Republic of Argentina. The Government of Haiti, aware
of how fragile are victories imposed by force, believes that the
United Nations can play a decisive role in the search for a
negotiated and peaceful solution which would make it possible to
establish the definitive bases for a mutually acceptable agreement.
That is why we joined in the initiative of Argentina and Mexico in
calling for the inclusion in the agenda of this session of the
General Assembly of an item on the Malvinas Islands.
Central America remains the theatre for many conflict situations
resulting from ideological tensions, which have once again created
hotbeds of crisis that could endanger regional peace and security.
The Republic of Haiti, which has always refused to view regional
problems simply in the context of the power balance between East and
West, cannot but express its deep concern over the manifest symptoms
of the alarming deterioration in relations between some fraternal
countries in Central America. We call upon all States in the region
to reject the sterile option of a dangerous arms race. We would go
along with any proposal to strengthen regional stability and security
on the basis of the great principles of international morality and
law. In that way an atmosphere of peace could be established that
would be favorable to economic development, which is indeed the real
problem of the region.
As regards Asia, the Government of Haiti is carefully following the
courageous initiatives of the Republic of Korea for the reunification
of the Korean nation. We regret the halt in negotiations between the
two Governments and urge them to go beyond their differences of view
in order to arrive at satisfactory results. That, of course, can be
done only by the Koreans themselves. However, the United Nations
could, with the agreement of the parties, take action to provide a
propitious framework for the resumption of talks.
The Haitian Government welcomes the initiative to regroup the
Cambodian liberation forces within the Coalition Government of
Democratic Kampuchea. We lend our full support to the various United
Nations initiatives for a settlement of the conflict, which must
necessarily include the total and final withdrawal of Vietnamese
forces from the territory of Kampuchea.
Similarly, the Government of Haiti strongly condemns the continued
occupation of Afghanistan by foreign troops and urges the
establishment of conditions which would effectively enable the Afghan
people to choose their kind of political society freely, without any
outside interference.
The negotiations on Namibian independence, despite optimistic
statements of members of the contact group, have made no progress and
are simply marking time. Some people insist on making the Namibian
question one aspect of East-West confrontation, but that is
completely unjustified. Meanwhile, the South African regime,
encouraged by the differences of view that have developed within the
contact group, is increasing its diversionary tactics in an attempt
to delay the inevitable outcome.
The Haitian Government believes that any swift solution of the
Namibian problem necessarily involves the full implementation of
Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which reflects the
international consensus on the need for immediate independence for
Namibia under the leadership of the patriotic liberation forces of
the South West Africa People's Organization. It is upsetting to see
that South Africa, despite the measures taken against it by the
United Nations, still continues openly to defy the international
community by pursuing its apartheid policy.
Thirty years have passed since the General Assembly began its
consideration of the item on racial conflict in South Africa. Just
before the end of the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial
Discrimination it seems to us indispensable that the United Nations
should proceed at this session to a serious evaluation of the efforts
made to date and, if necessary, define a new strategy for the
complete elimination of the system of apartheid.
Such action would seem to us particularly timely because this year,
proclaimed by the General Assembly as the International Year of
Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa, is also the
seventieth anniversary of the African National Congress, for which
the Haitian Government would once again express full support in its
difficult struggle against the usurpation of political and economic
power by a racist minority.
The Haitian Government once again condemns the South African regime's
continuing strengthening of its arsenal of repressive laws. It also
condemns the South African policy of bantustanization and those who
go along with it, because it is a systematic undertaking to
dehumanize the black people of South Africa. The Haitian people and
Government, expressing their solidarity with the black majorities in
South Africa and the people of Namibia in their legitimate
aspirations and struggles, once again urgently appeals to the
international community to ensure that the sanctions adopted to make
the South African regime less intransigent are fully implemented.
I have given a short account of the feelings, wishes and positions of
the Haitian Government on some of the major issues in the
international arena. I would emphasize above all our unwavering
conviction that the current system of international relations must be
replaced by a new order of justice, collective economic security and
true co-operation, with respect for the self-determination and
dignity of each people. Clearly, it would be an illusion to believe
that our wishes could be fulfilled in a single morning. That would
mean simply disregarding human nature and forgetting that history
does not follow a straight path and time is needed to bring it back
to its true course. However, all progress made, every step taken, is
a victory for peace and justice over a world of hatred and violence.
We must therefore work courageously, patiently and with dedication to
respond to the aspirations of the anguished peoples who are listening
to us.
The Republic of Haiti, which has always been inspired by the code of
honor and solidarity, will lend you, Mr. President, and all the
bodies of the United Nations, full and whole-hearted co-operation in
order to give life, however partial, to the hopes placed in our work.