Romania

I would like first to join previous speakers in extending to Ambassador Ganev my warm congratulations on his election. It gives me particular pleasure to see the representative of one of the new European democracies, which is also a friendly neighbour of Romania, heading such an important session. I should like also to pay tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, whose tireless endeavours to catalyze our common efforts aiming at conferring on the United Nations a new role attuned to a changing world enjoy my country's full support. Within a few days, we in Romania are going to experience a historic moment in the post-revolutionary history of our country. On 27 September, parliamentary and presidential elections - the first since the adoption of our new democratic Constitution will take place. We see them as a landmark for a country whose firm choice of political pluralism, the rule of law, democracy and a market economy has, for the most part, been undeservedly doubted. I want to inform the Assembly that the Romanian Government has done its best to ensure a fair electoral campaign, and free and fair elections. In turn, the presence of thousands of domestic and numerous foreign observers is a solid guarantee of this. It is not my intention to speak here and now about the heavy tolls the Romanian people has already paid on the road to a reform process able to strike a feasible balance between legitimate aspirations and the scarcity of the economic resources needed to meet them. But I feel entitled to say that the incidental lapses that have sometimes seemed to jeopardize the steady course of transition stemmed not from attempts to look back but rather from a certain eagerness to step into the future one day sooner. Like all the other new Central European democracies, Romania is undergoing a test that has no historical precedent, namely simultaneously to create new political structures and new, workable economic mechanisms. However, as our Prime Minister recently said, we have already saved ourselves from five years of perestroika. And we must keep on forging forward while, paradoxically, we are still searching for gradualism. Moreover, there is no sign that someone has an ideal, fool-proof blueprint for the changes we are striving for. Thank God, it seems that Romania has already left behind most of its childhood diseases. Considering that the saying "the sooner the better" goes for measles too, we might prove in the long run to have been among the lucky ones in post-Communist Europe. To cite just one example, I would recall that in the past year allegations concerning so-called Romanian anti-semitism have been frequently voiced. Now, that it has become clear that they were groundless, it is our turn to be concerned that in neighboring countries and other Central European countries, xenophobic, racist and anti-semitic trends have emerged. The crux of the matter for our country and for other countries in transition is to strengthen the learning capacity of society. We have no comfortable dogmas or patterns to follow. We are courageously taking risks. The whole process of reform has already reached the point of no return: another reason why countries in transition should not be left alone, the more so because, in a certain sense, not only post-Communist Europe but the world as a whole is in transition. The economic, moral and political investments Romania has enjoyed during the last year have already proved that our message has been perfectly understood by most of our potential partners. I make no secret that such investments of confidence have followed an ascending curve, one corresponding both to the growing domestic stability of Romania and our ever increasing international confirmation as a reliable pillar of Central European and continental security. Such a positive judgement on the last year's developments in Romania is convincingly supported by a series of parallel achievements in our domestic and our foreign policy. Let me mention just a few of our domestic achievements: the setting up of a new legislative and institutional framework able to guarantee the rule of law, political pluralism, free and fair elections, transition to a market economy and full respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms; the adoption by the Parliament elected in May 1990 of the new Constitution approved by national referendum on 8 December 1991; and the fact that, according to our fundamental law, the State recognizes and guarantees to persons belonging to national minorities the right to preserve, develop and express their cultural, linguistic and religious identity, to which one can add a particular feature of Romania's Constitution, whose article 20 states that "constitutional provisions concerning the citizens' rights and liberties shall be interpreted and enforced in conformity with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and with the covenants and other treaties to which Romania is a party" and that "where any inconsistencies exist between the covenants and treaties on fundamental human rights to which Romania is a party and domestic laws, the international regulations shall take precedence". Another achievement is the local elections held in February 1992, confirmed as fair and free by their main outcome: by the fact that the opposition parties won an important number of seats everywhere in the country. As a result, Romanian society enjoys more balanced political representation, clearly contradicting allegations pointing to the danger of "monolithism" in Romania. The fairness of the elections was confirmed also in the conclusions drawn by the foreign observers who witnessed the ballot. The country qualifies to be called pluralistic and democratic. The unfolding of the current election campaign brings new proof that political pluralism, the rule of law, free access to the media, and freedom of speech are becoming normal facts of life in today's Romania. All of these are promises that they will greatly contribute to the strengthening of both the institutional framework and its functioning, thereby irreversibly including Romania in the family of stable and democratic States. Through adequate legislation, the building-up of economic and financial market mechanisms, the privatization of the land, industry, trade, services and tourism, Romania has succeeded in breaking away from the command economy and in becoming more and more attractive to foreign investors. Romania is now in its third year of transition. It has laid the foundations of a market economy and is ready to begin structural reform. As part of the reform, the Romanian Government adopted an economic stabilization programme supported by a stand-by loan from the International Monetary Fund. The programme lays stress on classical anti-inflationary measures and, at the same time, has specific elements conditioned by the need to create a market mechanism. As a matter of principle, Romania aims at developing normal relations of cooperation with all States, and in particular with its neighbours. The foreign policy of our Government is inspired by the political will to create the necessary conditions leading to Romania's irreversible anchorage within the Euro-Atlantic space and its viable institutions, and, respectively, to increase the country's contribution to the building-up of the Euro-Atlantic community of values and of a new continental security order. In this spirit, Romania entered into negotiations on an association agreement with the European Communities that is about to be concluded, and a cooperation agreement with the European Free Trade Association. At the same time, like the other Central European countries, Romania entered into a special relationship with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and attaches particular importance to its participation as a partner in the North-Atlantic Co-operation Council. The efforts to restore and consolidate democracy in Romania cannot and should not be isolated from the international environment in which we are living. Our major concern about the situation in Yugoslavia has been made manifest in many circumstances. Being in the unique position in this area of having never waged a fighting war against any of the peoples of the former Yugoslavia, Romania is its only neighbour whose perception and attitude are in no way biased by territorial or other interests of any kind. As a State providing full evidence of balanced conduct and good relations with all the Yugoslav republics, Romania can afford to take a neutral stand on any related matter and is determined to contribute further to the efforts of the international community to restore peace and stability in Yugoslavia. As participants in the London Conference on Yugoslavia, we have stressed that a peaceful settlement is the only acceptable alternative for all the parties to the conflict. Despite the evolution of the conflict in the aftermath of the London Conference, we still believe that the relevant action programme adopted there is comprehensive and realistic, although peace may not be achieved overnight. The concerted efforts of the United Nations and the European Community, supported by all the participants in the Conference, including Romania which is the first non-Community neighbouring country represented in the Steering Committee - should not ignore the fact that the specific patchwork of Yugoslavia has always challenged conventional wisdom. Now it also challenges the application of the basic concepts of international law. There cannot be a separate international law for Yugoslavia. Although the conditions are historically and psychologically peculiar, international law is the same for all. We may think of arrangements adapted to the specific situation and acceptable to the parties concerned. Whatever their contents, they will remain what they are one-time solutions that do not create international law. Given that Romania's initiative in asking for international monitoring of the observance of the embargo along our Danubian frontier with former Yugoslavia has been confirmed as a positive example to be followed by other neighbors, I shall not dwell at length on this matter. But I cannot help underlining that the costly consequences of my country's scrupulous compliance with the resolutions of the Security Council on Yugoslavia have triggered legitimate concerns among the population of the country. It fears that, as in the case of the Gulf War, Romania could again economically and financially pay more than it can afford for being a law-abiding member of the international community. That is why we would suggest that the Security Council devise a set of measures involving the financial institutions and other components of the United Nations system that can help States to meet the economic difficulties entailed by compliance with the regime of sanctions. We envisage a standing compensation fund to be administered by the Security Council in order to alleviate, if not fully compensate for, the economic losses of countries particularly stricken by embargoes and other sanctions established by the Security Council. We are in the process of working out a more detailed proposal to this effect, which we are going to submit to the United Nations community for consideration. The existence of such a fund would be a way of encouraging States to cooperate with the Council in situations of crisis management. In the case of the conflict in the eastern part of the Republic of Moldova, we are seeing a sort of "pacification" that is, in fact, proving to be a kind of blackmail for the independence and territorial integrity of that State. It is precisely the same army that generated the conflict and gave arms and other support to separatist forces that today is performing the role of "peacekeeper". This pattern has been resorted to in other newly independent States as well. We sometimes ask ourselves if the independence of all these former Soviet republics is taken seriously by the international community or whether it is only a smoke screen behind which a new imperial structure is taking shape. In any case, we in Romania take it seriously. We cannot remain indifferent when we see tendencies to remake the old empire, into which Moldova was forcibly incorporated as a result of the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact. Our interest in the independence and democratic development of a State where 65 per cent of the population is Romanian is natural. We are concerned that a wise propensity for compromise from the Moldovan leaders was rewarded with a policy of fait accompli aimed at institutionalizing the separation of the Trans-Dniestr region from the Republic of Moldova. The evolution of the conflict in the Republic of Moldova, taken in conjunction with the conflicts generated elsewhere in the newly independent States, shows that nostalgia for the former empire exists and has painful consequences for the peoples that have gained their freedom at so high a cost. It is the common wisdom that the United Nations remains a major actor in the whole process of world change and a flag-bearer of indisputable authority. In this respect, the new lease on life given to preventive diplomacy is crucial. An encouraging and valuable political consensus on this issue was expressed during the summit-level Security Council meeting held on 31 January 1992. The report of the Secretary-General "An Agenda for Peace" includes a set of inspired guidelines which, once adopted and implemented, would bring us closer to the ideals the United Nations pursues in a world of turbulence. At the same time, we have to be mindful that we are contemplating a long-lasting framework and that there is therefore a need to avoid ephemeral solutions and mechanisms inspired by specific and temporary conflicts or influenced by emotional or short-view approaches. Given the tragic situation in Yugoslavia and other lessons drawn from recent history, we must also forgo hasty generalizations and biased views. Wisdom and patience, an even-handed attitude, and the spirit of compromise are the necessary basic ingredients for any settlement involving the destiny of peoples. In this respect, we wholeheartedly endorse the pertinent remarks of the Secretary-General, who says in his report that, if every ethnic, religious or linguistic group claimed statehood, there would be no limit to fragmentation, and peace, security and economic well-being for all would become ever more difficult to achieve. Yet, we would find it extremely useful if the General Assembly were to analyse more thoroughly the concept of the self-determination of peoples in order to prevent any distortion of this specific concept in the sense of extrapolating it to the case of national minorities. Generally speaking, we should try to avoid a risky tendency towards a "proliferation of principles". Of course, some might be tempted to say that the current turmoils in different parts of the world are living proof that the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter are out of date or at least incomplete. We share the view with the great majority of United Nations Member States that it is not the principles that are wanting but the way they are put into practice. Disregard or breaches of international law favour conflicts and not a so-called "scarcity" of principles. The year 1992 is a milestone year for cooperative measures aimed at arms control and disarmament, transparency and confidence, strengthening action-oriented dialogue, and cooperation on security issues. The Romanian Government welcomes the conclusion of the Convention on the destruction and prohibition of chemical weapons and is ready to sign the Convention in January 1993 in Paris. We regard this Convention as a genuine pillar of international security. At the same time, the set of major agreements that were signed or that entered into force this year at the European level the Treaty on Conventional Forces in Europe, the Vienna Document, the Helsinki Final Act on Conventional Armed Forces, and the Open Skies Treaty - have laid the foundation for lasting cooperation and stability on the Continent. The opening in Vienna, this very week, of the Forum for Security Cooperation launches a further stage of the dialogue among the participating States of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) in their joint endeavour for increased security and stability for each and every country in the Euro-Atlantic area. In addition, particular mention should be made of the historical processes within both the North Atlantic Cooperation Council and the partnership established among the Western European Union (WEU) member States and the eight countries of Central Europe, including Romania. Thus, step by step, the basic components of a new security order in Europe are taking shape, taking into account the structural transformations on the European continent. In fact, today the security of any country in the European sphere cannot be conceived but as a result of harmonious interaction between the United Nations, CSCE, NATO and WEU, and also of increased efforts at the subregional level. We welcome the decisions to convene the World Conference on Human Rights in 1993 and a world summit on social development in 1995. In our opinion, the 1993 World Conference should represent an important occasion for putting a final stop to the tendencies to politicize minority issues by taking them out of their natural framework - the framework of human rights a framework which offers the best and the only viable answers to concerns connected to guaranteeing and respecting the legitimate rights of persons belonging to national minorities and to the protection of ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious identity. The health of the world community vitally depends on the health of our planet itself. The Rio Conference proved that mankind is ready to forge a new partnership for promoting sustainable development the key concept to safeguarding human civilization. Romania is ready to put its shoulder to the wheel with a view to alleviating as soon as possible the actual threats to the health of our planet and to the wealth of the world community. Seeing in this audience representatives of such a great family of nations, we realize the immense potential that good will and determination can offer to the genuine universality of the world Organization. I am happy to welcome all new States Members of the United Nations and to extend to all of them the best wishes of my Government and the Romanian people. May I address our congratulations to the representatives of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, the Republic of Moldova, San Marino, Slovenia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. I am confident that the authoritative voice of the United Nations will be a source for action-oriented measures for the sake and well-being of all nations. Romania, as a democratic country fully attached to the ideals embodied in the United Nations Charter, in making its own contribution to the achievement of mankind's aspirations and to the vital answers we are expected to give to the challenges of the forthcoming century, in which international cooperation should be governed by law. For its cogency with the objectives of the current United Nations Decade of International Law, I would like to recall the prophetic words of a great Romanian diplomat, Nicolae Titulescu, who, 55 years ago, stated: "Only when the law shines like the rising Sun in the soul of all men as a guiding spirit, an imperative requirement, and a self-imposed obligation that is one with organized freedom only then will Mankind have been saved."