Senegal

The United Nations would appear today to be the ideal forum for seeking and identifying solutions to the problems of all kinds that are assailing the world. It is here that modern history is being woven and it is here that ideas are expressed that plant the seeds of the future. That is both because the United Nations brings together almost every country and because the ideas on which it is based and the principles which guide it arise from our most generous feelings the sense that we belong to the same humanity and are duty bound to preserve it. Thus, it is always with hope that I speak before the Assembly. Today, moreover, I am speaking on behalf of Africa and the Islamic Ummah. Speaking on behalf of so many peoples is a heavy responsibility indeed, but one that is also full of exaltation because of the hopes that underlie it. I am even happier to bear that responsibility because the choice of you, Mr. President, to guide the work of the forty-seventh session of the General Assembly is a certain guarantee that it will take place smoothly and successfully, for, in addition to your distinguished qualities as a diplomat, you come from a country whose commitment to the triumph of the common ideals of the nations gathered together here has never been in doubt. Therefore, from the bottom of my heart I address my warmest congratulations to you. I wish you to know also, and in particular, that in carrying out your important and sensitive mission you can always count on the cooperation of the Senegalese delegation and of all those on whose behalf I speak at this session. To your predecessor, Ambassador Samir Shihabi of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, we pay a well-deserved tribute for his outstanding guidance of the deliberations of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. For anyone who knows the great qualities of his people, there is nothing surprising in that. As to the Secretary-General, I am pleased to say once again how satisfied we are at seeing him occupy this prestigious post. Our fraternal and friendly support will always be with him in his efforts to ensure that the United Nations plays the full role given it by the Charter and shoulders all the responsibilities that derive from that Charter. Speaking of the role and responsibilities of the United Nations, I cannot fail to emphasize the very great hopes that his election has aroused in us Africans. Like our Arab brothers and all the peoples of the countries members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, we viewed his election as concrete proof of the universality of the United Nations. In fact, it constitutes a confirmation, following upon the mandates assumed by Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, another national of a developing country. All our best wishes are with the Secretary-General. Thanks to the atmosphere of detente prevailing today in international relations, with the end of the cold war and of ideological tensions, the credibility and image of our Organization have been greatly strengthened. For some time now the United Nations has been demonstrating its effectiveness, in particular through the tangible results in the area of peace-keeping. It has also made significant progress in the slowing down of the arms race. In a word, what was unimaginable yesterday is now a part of everyday life, and in referring to it we now speak of a "new world order". The expression is rather explicit, because for all of us it bears upon the strengthening of international security and the guarantee of stability of international relations. But the reality contained within it must also mean, for the developing countries, a greater awareness of the aspirations of their peoples to well-being. In view of what is going on around us, we are still far from that situation. Indeed, suffering and injustice are still the daily lot of millions of men and women in several regions. What is even worse at this time of over-abundance, when one thinks about the milk and grain surpluses, people continue to die of hunger because they do not have the very strict minimum they need. Similarly, people are still dying of diseases which medical progress has now made it possible to cure. Moreover, from recovery plans to adjustment programmes, the economies of many countries have lost their structure and become anaemic, and their Governments find themselves virtually powerless. The case of Africa, in this regard, is tragically instructive. Its economic growth rates have remained at their lowest in proportion to population growth; investments are rarely seen and infrastructure needs are the most significant. Here is a continent which is rich in minerals and mining resources but in which paradoxically most of the poorest countries are to be found. These sorry records are explained in part, by the youth of the countries that make up Africa. But they are the result, above all, of its raw materials and other products being sold at prices fixed outside the continent and most of the time in total disregard of its interests. This situation is all the more worrying because it has persisted I would even say worsened despite the efforts of African leaders to improve it, especially since the beginning of the 1980s. Thus, in 1986, when I was Acting President of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), I was mandated to appeal to the United Nations to deal with our specific problems in a special way. Reacting positively, the United Nations convened a special session of the General Assembly, which adopted the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990 (UNPAAERD). This document gave rise to the greatest hope because it was the fruit of unprecedented joint effort. It was, theoretically, a true solidarity pact. I say "pact" because Africa had committed itself to set up the necessary structures for launching autonomous long-term socio- economic growth and development programmes. The international community for its part agreed to help Africa achieve that goal. This dual commitment was expressly entered into in UNPAAERD, which made it clear in particular that the international community would spare no effort to provide sufficient resources to support and complement the development efforts of Africa. That was clear. Unfortunately, we must recognize that, while the African countries took the measures agreed upon, the same cannot be said of the international community as a whole, even if some countries of the North had a friendly and understanding attitude in our regard. Will the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of Africa in the 1990s (UN-NADA) be treated differently, more generously? Undoubtedly it will be, if it is applied, because its commitments are firm and precise, and follow-up, monitoring and assessment mechanisms have been provided, thanks to which the two parties will be able to work together on a permanent basis. Thus, they will be able together and at regular and short intervals to ensure respect for the commitments agreed upon. It is perhaps these frequent meetings which were missing in the implementation process of UNPAAERD. I hope that that is the only explanation for the modest results of that document. But for the time being, I note that Africa is prey to the same difficulties, some of which have even worsened. That is the case with its external debt, the repayment of which consumes the bulk of the meagre financial resources left to Africa owing to worsening terms of trade. Since lending countries are slow in agreeing to hold an international conference devoted to this problem, we are making an urgent appeal to all States and all international financial institutions so that together we can explore other ways to solve the problem. Otherwise, it will be illusory to expect the African countries to give all due attention to problems of common interest. Quite naturally, they will devote their energies, on a priority basis, to the struggle for the survival of their peoples. The persistence of the African debt problem could even have other negative and more immediate consequences; population movement from the South to the countries of the North have already shown that this risk exists. To this already grim picture we must add the increasingly evident precariousness of the African environment, which is illustrated by the devastating drought which has hit the southern part of the continent, after having wreaked on the Sahel the damage of which we are all aware. We must also add to this the lightning spread of the acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS), along with other diseases which have disappeared elsewhere, and the number of hotbeds of tension which already exist, not to mention those which may yet arise. In this respect, it is South Africa which first comes to mind. None the less, one would have thought a few months ago that the present session would be the opportunity for the international community to rejoice over the irreversible changes since the advent of President Frederick De Klerk. But what do we see today, over and above the formal abrogation - I was going to say theoretical abrogation of the apartheid laws? Blacks still do not have the same rights as the rest of South African society, and violence has been omnipresent in recent months, sometimes achieving proportions which cast doubt upon the willingness of the South African Government to change. The continuation of such an atmosphere would be a serious threat to the progress we have all welcomed. That is why at the twenty-eighth regular summit meeting of the OAU, held at Dakar, it was felt necessary to take the matter to the Security Council. In my capacity as Acting President of that pan-African organization, I should like, on behalf of the continent, to express my sincerest thanks to the members of this organ of our universal Organization for the diligence and sense of solidarity with which they responded to our appeal by adopting Security Council resolution 765 (1992), which invites the South African authorities to take the appropriate measures to end the violence. I also wish to avail myself of this opportunity to repeat our commitment to a negotiated solution in South Africa and the hope generated by the recent Mandela-De Klerk summit meeting. We hope that the talks to be resumed within the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) after that meeting will make it possible speedily to harmonize the positions of the parties and make irreversible the resolute march of South Africa towards a non-racial, democratic and united society. The civil war in Liberia is another source of concern for Africa. It is all the more worrying since it has continued even after a framework for a peaceful settlement had been drawn up by the countries in the subregion. As the Head of State of a country member of the Committee of Five of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) that was set up to resolve the crisis, I can testify to the fact that this framework was conceived with the sole concern of helping our Liberian brothers regain peace. After several meetings, we adopted it with the agreement of all of the parties. But the bitter fact remains that the horizon is dark because the Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group (EC0M0G), the centre-piece of the agreed-upon arrangement, does not have the means for its peace mission. That is why, while thanking those who have already given us their support, I should like to ask the United Nations to provide increased assistance. In the absence of such a gesture, we risk seeing the Liberian crises continue. It is already a serious threat to the stability of the West African subregion, and in human terms it is a catastrophe with lasting consequences. I now come to the most absurd and perhaps most devastating tragedy Africa has known in recent years. I refer to the civil war in Somalia. This country, once so welcoming, today is a hell on earth. It is the picture of anarchy, of intolerance in all its forms, of violence, and of the failure of man before his destiny. Senegal, for its part, is doing everything in its power to help end this tragedy which, should it persist, would run the risk of sounding the death knell of the very existence of Somalia. It is doing so for humanitarian reasons, for reasons of African solidarity and, in brief, for reasons of common sense. It is also doing so in its capacity as a member of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), the OAU and the United Nations. Let me take this opportunity to note that, together with the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the League of Arab States, our organization is already engaged in significant efforts for Somalia. But the situation there is so grave that we must give it high priority in the days and weeks ahead if we are not to witness the genocide of a people through the death of its children. I appeal also to non-governmental organizations; I encourage them to continue their generous activities in Somalia. The parties to the conflict must understand that the interest of the Somali people lies in the restoration of peace, and that rivalries that sacrifice human lives by the thousand can only result in their claims becoming pointless. What I would truly like to see is an international conference on Somalia. I therefore solemnly propose that such a meeting take place as soon as possible in Geneva under the auspices of the United Nations, the OAU, the League of Arab States, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the European Community. The goal would be to put a rapid end to the armed confrontation and define a framework for a peaceful settlement of the crisis acceptable to all parties. The United Nations would take the initiative here, but the modalities of the meeting would be defined among all the organizers, who would also jointly agree on the list of participants. For my part, I should be represented there both as current Chairman of the OAU and as President of the sixth Islamic summit. But I cannot stress too forcefully that while awaiting that conference, for which we earnestly wish, the international community must continue to help the victims of the confrontations imposed upon the Somali people by armed factions. In particular, it should do everything it can to ensure that the arms embargo imposed in Security Council resolution 733 (1992) of 23 January 1992 is strictly observed, and should take every other possible initiative to put an end to the violence and the suffering. That wish of the OAU is shared by the Organization of the Islamic Conference, of which Somalia is a member. My rehearsal of tensions in Africa would be incomplete without a reference to Western Sahara. I wholeheartedly wish for a settlement to that matter; this could be reached quickly within the framework defined by the OAU. Nor can I omit to mention the fragile peace in Angola and elsewhere on the continent. Speaking of peace, I cannot fail to reiterate how much the peoples I represent here cherish peace. In our societies, everything boils down to the human being; peace is naturally one of the reference values. That was one of the observations of the sixth summit of the Organization of the Islamic Conference. In Africa, the Heads of State or Government of the States members of the OAU proved their commitment to peace by deciding at the most recent summit, held at Dakar, to establish a mechanism for preventing, managing and settling conflicts. That mechanism is intended to respond to Africa's desire for the means to prevent conflicts, through an ongoing analysis of situations, putting an end to those that persist in spite of our efforts. Africa is thus in step with United Nations concerns on the maintenance of peace, as set out by the Secretary-General in his report "An Agenda for Peace" (A/47/277). That is because the Secretary-General's vision of peace is reflected today in the determination resolutely to address the continent's political and economic problems. Without a doubt, this is a manifestation of Africa's self-confidence, and proves that our continent's de facto marginalization has not paralysed it. On the contrary, its self-confidence has never been disconnected from the spread of multiparty democracy; indeed, without it, the current trends would certainly not be so clear. Democracy has made great progress in Africa in recent months. Authoritarian regimes have yielded to democratically elected Governments; everywhere, confrontation is yielding to joint efforts and bullets to ballots. Our efforts at integration derive also from our determination to take our destiny in our own hands and is an expression of our self-confidence. The same holds true for the way in which we are addressing environmental problems and for our determination not to miss the energy revolution that is appearing on the horizon. It is significant that, with respect to our commitment in that sphere, we have placed our bets on solar energy. It is abundant in our countries and can reconcile the need for healthy environment with that for development. If these efforts can be pursued and if their orientation can be maintained - and we are determined that they should be Africa will soon be in a position to overcome its present situation. But again: to achieve the expected effects we must have consistent support from the international community. We have seen this with the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development. We know too that the solution or prevention of conflicts in Africa will be possible only if arms supplies to belligerents and other forms of outside intervention are halted. Everyone knows that democracy in Africa can be consolidated only if it is followed by progress towards, inter alia, economic growth based on a rationalization of development efforts. This requires improved relations within Africa, adequate infrastructure, and the possibility for African countries to ensure that their products can reach northern markets at profitable prices. Although Africa is certainly the continent most severely affected by economic crisis, war and other conflicts, we have no monopoly on these evils: other peoples are suffering too, and we stand in solidarity with them. That is why, although I have spoken at some length about Africa, I must not neglect the tragedies being played out elsewhere. I am far from indifferent to the economic difficulties of Latin America like ours, caused in large part by unfair international economic relations to the need to consolidate peace in Cambodia through scrupulous respect for the Paris agreements, and to the need for Afghanistan to take the path of national reconciliation. We in Africa are also concerned about the situation in some of the former Soviet republics and in the former Yugoslavia, as well as about the unacceptable state of affairs that continues to be imposed on the Palestinian people. On Bosnia and Herzegovina, we approve of the initiatives to ease the suffering of the population, to halt the violence, and to put an end to what appears to be an attempt at "ethnic cleansing". As President of the sixth Islamic summit, I sent a representative to the recent London Conference on the former Yugoslavia. I shall continue to associate myself with all steps in that direction, and I call on the United Nations to continue, even increase, its efforts. With respect to the question of Palestine, while we welcome the positive developments in the way it is being handled in the context of the ongoing peace process under the sponsorship of the United States of America and Russia, we must observe that the process is far from meeting our expectations. But there is reason to hope that with the new Israeli Government significant progress will be achieved and that the heroic Palestinian people will soon be free, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, to exercise its inalienable rights. We call on the Israeli Government to show realism and political courage, and we urge all parties to have a sense of history. It is only in that way that peace can be restored and that the Arab world and Israel can draw upon their rich common heritage and their vast economic potential. To face these challenges and realize the potential that is present despite all the problems, we need greater solidarity, both among people and among nations. I am thinking of a "general agreement on solidarity". As distinct from the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, this moral contract would make possible the effective implementation of all the provisions of the United Nations Charter. This presupposes awareness that we all share the same future and that we agree to bear an equal interest in the maintenance of peace, the promotion of human rights and democracy both nationally and worldwide, the struggle against poverty and the protection of the environment. There is no lack of opportunity: let us begin at this session of the General Assembly. Clearly, this would be the best way to move towards the new world order to which we all aspire. To be sure, with respect to the maintenance of peace, the United Nations to which we pay an enthusiastic tribute - under the dynamic leadership of the Secretary-General is making notable efforts to respond to the many demands upon it. To be sure, in the Middle East, in the rest of Asia, in Africa and in Europe, United Nations peace-keeping forces, in most of which my country is proud to participate, are carrying out their missions courageously, loyally and effectively, and for the most part to the great satisfaction of the peoples of those regions. We must, however, recognize that this universal Organization is not equally successful everywhere its intervention is desired and necessary. Often this is because of the Charter requirement that regional organizations play the primary role in the settlement of regional disputes, but we must realize that their effectiveness is limited in the case of armed confrontation because they do not have the means required for peace-keeping operations. I believe that fidelity to the spirit of the Charter in this regard requires the establishment and operation of a system of co-operation between the United Nations and the regional organizations so that they may benefit from appropriate technical and financial assistance and thus can become more involved in the management and settlement of regional conflicts. I am happy to note that this is the thrust of the report of the Secretary-General entitled "Agenda for peace". In any case, this is what should flow from our concern to preserve our collective security. That is clear militarily, but it is also increasingly true with regard to the other aspects of security. No one is unaware that those aspects are equally important. Thus the strong solidarity I have been advocating, through the "general agreement on solidarity", presupposes also the resumption of the North-South dialogue. More exactly, it will be a question of engagement in a new dialogue between the developed and the developing countries. I say "new" because the dialogue would be imbued with the spirit of partnership and agreement to joint responsibility in facing common challenges: challenges involved in economic and trade problems as well as environment and health. The General Assembly could ask the Secretary-General to make concrete proposals along those lines at its next session. I am among those who believe dialogue would be easier if the solidarity we are seeking to promote were indeed effective at the regional level, and it will be necessary for that to be taken into account in the efforts under way in the regional groups. That is one of the reasons why Senegal has made the achievement of African integration, as advocated in the Treaty setting up the African Economic Community, one of its main priorities in matters of foreign policy. That explains our commitment to the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC). But a reminder is needed here. The OIC is not a religious organization. Its objective is to organize solidarity among its member States, whose peoples are united by the same faith and have the same concerns. It already is a very good tool for political and cultural co-operation, and it is our ambition to make it an effective instrument for economic, commercial and technical co-operation. The Dakar Summit of last December was a turning-point in this respect. Of the groups that must have our attention in the framework of the rebalancing of international economic relations, I must mention the Summit Group for Consultation and the South-South Co-operation Group, the so-called Group of 15, whose goal is to make South-South co-operation effective through the drawing up and implementation of specific projects. But I hasten to make it clear that that group is not a closed club; indeed, everything that is discussed there is at the disposal of the other developing countries; nor does it claim to be a spokesman for the entire South. However, I am convinced that it does constitute a framework for the definition of the common concerns of the countries of the South with regard to specific questions, and for the expression of their views. Moreover, it has drawn up and circulated a position paper on the new world order. Returning to the North-South dialogue and to the "general agreement on solidarity", which should promote the dialogue while belief in it may be unrealistic, and the meetings that have taken place so far have been rather disappointing for the most part, the Earth Summit held in Rio de Janeiro last June has given us reason for greater optimism. Indeed, while far from perfect, it worked for the taking into account, in the long term, of all the concerns and perspectives of the world. It is not an exaggeration to say that after Rio nothing is the same as before in approaching environmental problems and their interrelationship with development. What is even better, the change that has taken place thanks to a real awareness of the globalization of mankind's problems could be the dawn of the new world order. The forthcoming convening of certain international conferences gives us the opportunity to confirm and amplify on that change. I believe that the World Conference on Human Rights planned for 1993 and the International Conference on Population and Development to take place in 1994 reflect our common willingness to deal with questions that no longer know any borders. The same is true of the Fourth World Conference on Women and the World Summit on Social Development, both planned for 1995. Is it not significant that those meetings were programmed after the Rio Summit on Environment and Development, as well as the World Summit for Children? In any case, we must hope that, like their two predecessors, these other conferences will not lose sight of the need to ensure the follow-up on decisions and recommendations that would make their work fruitful. In this regard it is a pleasure for me to announce on this day, which coincides with the second anniversary of the World Summit for Children, that, in the spirit of that historic meeting, an international conference on assisting African children, organized by the Organization of African Unity with the support of UNICEF, will take place in Dakar from 25 to 27 November 1992. Our goal is to bring the international community to a point where it thinks about the special situation of African children and the difficulties facing the African countries with regard to ensuring their harmonious development, or indeed their mere survival. This situation and these problems will also be focused on in meetings to be held soon devoted to children in French-speaking countries and also within the framework of the OIC. While reflecting a real awareness of the interdependence of the world, at which we rejoice, the programme of international meetings I have just mentioned shows that much remains to be done in this vast field through joint efforts. In particular I have in mind disarmament for the benefit of development, the easing of the foreign debt burden of the developing countries, the removal of protectionist tariff barriers, the improvement of commodity prices, and the transfer of the technology and human resources necessary for development. No one denies that today our collective survival largely depends upon adequate consideration of these questions and the challenges of the environment, AIDS and drugs not to mention the problem of peace-keeping operations. Hence, it is urgent to achieve greater solidarity, to which I referred earlier. Moreover, there is a central role that the United Nations must play in dealing with these problems. There is no need to emphasize that such a role requires that this universal Organization review its methods of work and that Member States reassess the means made available to the United Nations. In Africa and within the Islamic Ummah we recognize the importance of the restructuring and other work to restore dynamism to our Organization being carried out by the Secretary-General and by such organs as the Economic and Social Council, which is intended to cope with the new burdens arising from world developments. On their behalf, I welcome the results already achieved in this regard, and I encourage a continuation of those efforts until they are successful and the goals are reached. I particularly hope that this new trend will duly take account of what are in our view two essential ideas on the one hand, peace and security are precarious without the eradication of poverty and misery and without a reduction of the gap separating the North and the South; on the other hand, efforts towards effectiveness should not sacrifice the democratic spirit by which the universality of the United Nations is maintained. Moreover, the Tenth Conference of the Heads of State or Government of the Non-Aligned Movement, which was just held successfully in Jakarta, bore the stamp of renewal in continuity and achieved considerable progress in reinforcing that trend. Given the scores of challenges and the ever stronger commitment of the non-governmental organizations working alongside Governments to meet those challenges, I would add the need to take into account the recommendations of those organizations. I am thinking even that we could study the possibility. through the efforts of the Secretary-General, of requiring such recommendations to be taken into account in specific fields. I have had the signal honour to address you on behalf of various peoples some of which are separated by thousands of kilometres. But these peoples share with my country Senegal the same faith in human solidarity, the same hope for a better tomorrow, even the same goals. United in their diversity, these peoples are calling for justice where it is trampled and peace wherever it is threatened. They are calling for the coming of a world in which hunger, intolerance and unfairness have disappeared. These peoples call upon you to act together, to innovate and to do so without delay.