Germany

In electing you to your high office last week, Mr. President, the General Assembly also identified itself with the victory of freedom and democracy throughout Europe. I should like to congratulate you on this and greet you as the representative of a country with which we have a close and long-standing friendship. For you, Mr. Secretary-General, this is the first session of the General Assembly since you took office. For the determination and energy with which you have set about the huge tasks ahead you deserve the appreciation of us all. I extend a special welcome to the representatives of those countries that have been admitted to our Organization since the last session of the General Assembly. The world breathed a sigh of relief when the East-West confrontation ended at long last. There was an almost tangible euphoria of peace. Since then we have come back down to earth. Freedom has opened the door not only to historic opportunities but, unfortunately, to the old demons as well: blind nationalism and hegemonic aspirations, xenophobia and religious fanaticism. In this process, the dramatic changes to the political map are far from having settled down. The impact of the quake cannot yet be fully assessed, nor can we rule out further tremors. But despite all our new problems we must not forget that hardly any previous generation had such opportunities to live in peace, harmony and prosperity with its neighbours. We can therefore look to the future with confidence. And this opportunity extends beyond Europe. The termination of the East-West conflict has paved the way for the settlement of conflicts in the southern hemisphere as well, conflicts which for decades seemed insoluble. In the Middle East, in southern Africa and in Cambodia the parties involved are moving towards each other in a manner that would have been inconceivable in the days of the ideological proxy wars. Thus my message is: let us continue to be guided by the vision of a better, a more equitable world. With great perseverance, we have ended the East-West confrontation. We now need the same commitment, the same stamina, to build a new order. We must keep in mind the new energies that have been released and harness them for peace and for mankind. By establishing European union, the European Community is trying to seize. the chance of the century for the entire continent. It is the vision of a truly united Europe. The affirmation of this union by our French friends has kept alive the chance to make that vision a reality. However, Governments must also take their citizens along with them on this road to Europe. Europe does not grow out of treaties; it grows from the hearts of its citizens or it does not grow at all. Strengthening their confidence in Europe's common future remains the principal task of Community policy in the months ahead. Although the dissatisfaction, uncertainty and lack of understanding that have become apparent in nearly all countries cannot simply be dismissed, no changes to the Treaty of Maastricht are needed to cushion some of the effects. The European Community is not only a model of hope and prosperity for Eastern Europe; it has also developed new forms of cooperation and partnership with the developing countries. Its path towards integration has inspired many regional initiatives in Asia, Africa and Latin America. In the light of this global responsibility, too, Europe must come to speak with one voice here at the United Nations as well. In these times of change, when so much of what was valid yesterday is being challenged, when many people in the West see their standard of living, their personal security and their national and cultural identity threatened, when even more people in the East and in the South do not know today what they are going to live on tomorrow, when an army of refugees from war and poverty threatens to become a new migration, we shall have to find an answer to the question of whether the international community, through its new spirit of common endeavour following the cold war, will be capable of mastering the challenges of our time. There is doubt as to the ability of the political establishment as a whole to find solutions, and this applies not only to Europe. There is a huge gap between people's expectations and the actual achievements of Governments, both internally and externally. Governments are under an obligation to achieve again greater consistency between verbal commitment and action. The historic process of European unification is currently being overshadowed by something that was considered inconceivable only a few years ago: the return of barbarity to the European house. A war of destruction and expulsion is raging in Bosnia and Herzegovina, a conflict which conjures up a terrible past. What is happening there and we cannot be clear enough about this is genocide. The London Conference has underscored the resolve of the community of nations to silence the weapons. It has initiated the Geneva negotiating process as a common, major effort of the United Nations and the European Community probably one of the last chances to secure a political solution in the foreseeable future. The co-Chairmen of the conference, Cyrus Vance and Lord Owen, have our full support. Germany will play its part in this peace conference. But one thing must remain clear: the community of nations will never recognize borders that have been changed by force. Those who hope to receive assistance from the family of nations later must stop fighting now at once. Despite cautious signs that the Serbian leaders are perhaps after all becoming aware of the consequences of being outlawed by the international community, murder and expulsion continue. We have been shocked by the report of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) mission on the crimes and atrocities perpetrated in the detention camps. We Europeans especially must be honest: each day on which innocent civilians are fired at and prisoners tortured undermines the credibility and authority of the new Europe we aim to build together. War also prevails in Somalia, the Sudan, Liberia, Afghanistan, Georgia and Nagorno-Karabakh. Greed, anarchy and human suffering have assumed heart-wrenching dimensions, especially in Somalia. The community of nations, though late in doing so, has turned its attention to the starvation, misery and want of the people there. It is to be hoped that the efforts of the Secretary-General and his Special Representative Mr. Sahnoun will be able to restore peace to this sorely tried country and put it back on a sound economic foundation. What are the conclusions for the international community that must be drawn from this situation? Respect for international law and human rights as the foundation of peace and international order was one of the main lessons of the Second World War. That experience led to the creation of the United Nations and the European Community. The aim of overcoming nationalistic hegemony, the use of force and violations of human rights by means of international and supranational cooperation is still valid. Even setbacks must not be allowed to divert us from this just path of law and respect for human dignity. There is no reasonable alternative, unless we want to revert to the law of the jungle. Only if the United Nations or the regional organizations prove capable of protecting individual States from external aggression and minorities from domestic persecution will it be possible, now that the East-West conflict is over, to make the desired transition from policies of national hegemony and armament to the rule of law, collective security and economic and social development. What will this require? Firstly, the system of collective security of the United Nations, and of regional arrangements such as the CSCE, must be made a powerful instrument of a new world domestic policy. Conflicts are, unfortunately, emerging faster than the instruments to contain them. You, Mr. Secretary-General, have made extensive proposals with the correct aim of making the United Nations, for the first time in its history, what the Charter intended it to be: the world community's chief custodian of peace; and that aim, I say here, can be achieved. "Nip it in the bud!" This must be the golden rule of conflict prevention. Diplomatic activity must start before an acute threat to security occurs. Such activity must, where necessary, be reinforced by the preventive deployment of peace-keeping forces. This proposal has our full support. It must be made absolutely clear to a potential aggressor, right from the start, that he must expect to be confronted with the whole range of political, economic and military sanctions provided for in the United Nations Charter. Anyone who holds a protecting hand over the aggressor must expect to be isolated, and anyone who breaks sanctions will likewise have sanctions to contend with. Crucial for collective security is close cooperation between institutions such as the United Nations or the CSCE on the one hand and collective defence alliances such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization or the Western European Union on the other. Initial steps have been taken in this direction in recognition of the fact that, even though the East-West conflict has ended, democracies must, firstly, remain capable of defending themselves and the new architecture must, secondly, become capable of defending itself. What is beyond dispute domestically must also be applied to international security if there is to be real order. If all other means fail, the law must, if necessary, be protected by military force against those who violate it. This is also a lesson from a past that was, for us Germans in particular, a disastrous one. This is anchored in the United Nations Charter. Germany's contribution to international stability will continue to focus on peacemaking, through economic cooperation, protection of human rights, humanitarian aid, and international measures to protect the environment. However, we must also establish the constitutional basis to enable us to make our armed forces available to the United Nations, with the approval of Parliament, for peace-keeping and peacemaking assignments. As a reunited and sovereign country we must assume all the rights and obligations of a Member of the United Nations to avoid any discrepancy between our verbal commitment to peace and human rights and our active involvement in their defence. The Government and the Parliament of my country will not forget that our history commands us to show particular restraint and judgment; but, while remaining aware of the past, we must derive the strength and courage to find a better future. Within the framework of its constitution Germany has already participated in United Nations operations for example, in Namibia, Angola, Central America, Cambodia and Iraq by providing logistic and organizational support, election observers, verification teams and medical personnel. Our relief flights to Sarajevo and Somalia have broadened the range of our commitment. The reforms you have vigorously initiated, Mr. Secretary General, have our full backing. We encourage you to pursue them with determination. The appointment of a coordinator for humanitarian assistance has shown, despite all the scepticism, that this Organization is capable of change. Further reforms should, in our view, focus principally on three areas: rationalization of the Secretariat, streamlining its committees and procedures, and strengthening the position of the Secretary-General in relation to the subsidiary bodies and specialized agencies. This is urgently needed, especially in the central area of environment and development. The Security Council is the guardian of international peace. Its efficiency and credibility are of equal importance. A debate on reforming the Council is under way. We Germans will not take the initiative in this respect, but if a change in the Council's composition is actually considered we too shall make known our intention to seek a permanent seat. Secondly, States and regional organizations must assume greater responsibility. The United Nations must not be overstrained: the idea that it can protect and feed all people afflicted by external or internal war is a Utopian. Thirdly, we must further develop the international legal system with the aim of further protecting mankind and nature. This can now take place in a process of fair partnership, free from bloc ideology. This too represents a great opportunity in the wake of the East-West conflict. In this process, we must bring out the special dimension of law: it demands participation and consensus. All are equal before the law. It protects the weak and legitimizes the use of force where force is unavoidable. No cultural region should try to force its own system of values on others. On the other hand, there is a body of human rights universally binding under international law which no one should seek to erode, not even on grounds of differing cultural traditions. This must be the central message of the Conference on Human Rights to be held in Vienna next year. Under the Nazi regime, the gravest crimes against humanity were committed in the name of Germany. In 1945, the Germans in the western part of our country had the good fortune to be able to establish a free, democratic society based on the rule of law. Those in the other part of Germany had to bear another totalitarian regime until 1990. So we Germans have well and truly suffered in this respect. We know from our own experience that a life of dignity and fulfilment is not possible without respect for human rights. I therefore never tire of repeating my belief that policy, including foreign policy, must focus on the individual. It is he who counts. It is he who must be protected and saved from injustice. The defence of human rights remains a central aim of German foreign policy. An effective international legal system must enable people to exercise their human rights, afford protection to those whose human rights have been violated, and consistently bring the perpetrators to account. Together with our partners in the European Community we call for the appointment of a High Commissioner for Human Rights. Those who commit genocide, those who commit serious violations of human rights - and this, unfortunately, is happening all the time all over the world - ask Amnesty International must be brought before an international crimes tribunal. I am gratified to note that Germany's proposal for such a tribunal is now receiving broad support. The International Law Commission should be given a mandate to draw up an appropriate statute. We shall strive to ensure that the perpetrators of atrocities, no matter who they are, are brought to justice. No one should be able to rest in the assurance that the matter will be forgotten. This is another reason why we need a High Commissioner for Human Rights. His investigations and other information should be collated in a register to serve as the basis for subsequent criminal proceedings. Our experience with the regime in the former German Democratic Republic shows that the fear of such misdeeds being recorded is not without effect. Violation of human rights is one of mankind's great scourges. We should not spare ourselves the effort needed to expose, denounce and prevent them. Although the massive East-West confrontation is a thing of the past, disarmament, confidence-building and the control of arms exports remain essential preconditions for enhancing peace. After an arms race spanning decades the new era has made considerable progress in the field of disarmament as well. Yet the world is still bristling with weapons. We in Europe are the first to have begun destroying tanks. The pacification of the North must not lead to the South being armed to the hilt. The developing countries do not need more tanks and guns but more schools and hospitals. The United Nations Register of Conventional Arms must be seen as the point of departure for reducing the present irresponsible level of international trade in weapons. Preventing the spread of weapons of mass destruction is the most urgent task in the field of disarmament today. Germany is determined to play a pioneering role in this respect. We are the only country in the world to have unilaterally and unconditionally renounced nuclear, biological and chemical weapons. The Convention imposing a global ban on chemical weapons, which was prepared by the Geneva Conference on Disarmament under our chairmanship, is a milestone along this road. I call upon all Members of the United Nations to signal their support of this Convention during the present session of the General Assembly and to sign it without delay. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons must be extended indefinitely in 1995. If we fail to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, mankind will become exposed to a nuclear threat no less frightening than that of the cold war. We cannot put the nuclear genie back in the bottle, but we must keep it under strict control. This also calls for an international convention for the enhancement of reactor safety. All these are tasks enough, but the biggest of all is that of establishing a new partnership for development and environmental protection between poor and rich nations which will make the Earth a fit place for the present and future generations to live in. The world is grossly unjust. From the day of their birth countless people do not have the slightest chance whatsoever of living in conditions that could even remotely be described as worthy of the human race. About a billion people live in abject poverty and can neither read nor write. Almost 20 million refugees are trying to escape from want. One fifth of the world's population consumes four fifths of all resources and earns 60 times as much as the poorest fifth. We in the industrialized countries, on the other hand, concerned with our own problems which I do not deny exist - forget that, compared with many regions of the third world, we live on an "island of bliss". Many of us think only of our entitlements, about defending our standards of living. As a result, we tend to forget the values of humanity and solidarity. Our free system in the West may have won the struggle with totalitarianism, but we must now prove that our economic system, our way of life, is able to secure lasting development in the eastern and southern regions of the globe as well. In the third world countries, on the other hand, the recognition must continue to grow that they cannot simply make demands on others but are themselves primarily responsible for keeping their house in order. The Jakarta Conference has confirmed the clear change of attitude in this respect. This is an encouraging trend. What is the essential requirement? It is to develop a global partnership and forms of coexistence in the North and the South which will ensure mutual survival. For this we shall have to find a reasonable middle way between the completely unrealistic attitude that everything must be achieved at one fell swoop and that of resignation, the attitude that it is already too late. The North must open its markets to give the weaker economies a genuine chance of development. By eliminating protectionism we must strengthen the economic foundations of those countries currently fighting for democracy and human rights. That is why it is so important to bring the negotiations of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) to a successful conclusion. Stabilizing the economy of Eastern Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States must not be done at the expense of development aid. Bringing the new democracies in the East and the developing countries into a global partnership together was the general objective of the economic summit meeting in Munich. Germany, too, has kept its word in this respect. In spite of our exceptional domestic situation and our enormous contribution to the process of economic recovery in the new democracies between Bug and Vladivostok, our development aid budget has continued to grow - even since 1990. And we shall continue to provide substantial support for measures to bridge the poverty gap between North and South. Our offer to make Bonn the location for some United Nations development activities should be understood in this sense. What is required is a radical technological transformation in the fields of transport, energy, industrial production, housing and agriculture and a new generation of environment-friendly technologies. To implement the results of the Rio Conference there will have to be standard reduction levels for carbon dioxide emissions as well as effective measures for the protection of forests. The most difficult task is at the same time one of the most important that of implementing a responsible population policy. This calls for changes which considerably affect the rights of the individual. The first step must be to improve the social status of women in the developing countries. People have a right to determine the size of their family themselves. Family planning must be given greater prominence in development strategy. The importance of the International Conference on Population and Development to be held in 1994 and of the World Conference on Women scheduled for 1995 cannot be emphasized enough. The help provided by the industrialized countries can never be more than help towards self-help. One must also draw the necessary conclusion from the collapse of communist ideology: totalitarianism renders a country incapable of development. In a nutshell, what is needed is a departure from short-sighted egoism and over-exploitation of nature towards measures to safeguard the future, towards more social justice, as well as a balance between ecology and economy. In this age of growing individual freedom we must also remain capable of demonstrating solidarity and showing consideration for the community as a whole. The responsible use of freedom is the real challenge at the end of this century. In order to meet this challenge, and for the sake of our children's future, the world - East and West, North and South must learn together. We must learn to survive together in a new world. No institution is more suited to be the central authority of this learning community than the United Nations. In 1995 it will celebrate its fiftieth anniversary. Let us by that date together strengthen this forum to make it capable of fulfilling the hopes of people all over the globe. Let us not forget: We, the nations, will get the world Organization we deserve! Hardly any country can have been more affected by the dramatic upheavals of our time and by the disparity of opportunity and risk, of hope and anxiety about the future, than has Germany. We have been reunited, and for that we are grateful very grateful. Our prime task now is to complete the internal unification of our nation, and this task pushes us to the limits of our resources. None the less, we have contributed more to the economic recovery of central and eastern Europe and the members of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) than have all other countries together. In Europe, our liberal legislation on foreigners has enabled us to take in by far the largest number of asylum-seekers probably 400,000 this year; 220,000 refugees from Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina have found refuge in our country. We are the biggest attraction in Europe and in the world for the massive social migration from East to West and from South to North. In view of our still-high level of unemployment and our housing shortage, especially in the eastern part of the country, this places an exceptional burden on the population. This has to be appreciated if one is to make a fair judgement of our people's attitude towards foreigners. In emphasizing this point I am not trying to tone it down. The hatred demonstrated and the terror perpetrated by a radical minority against asylum-seekers in our country brings disgrace on Germany. This I deeply regret, but let me add that this is not the attitude of the great majority of Germans towards other nationalities. In my country 6.3 million foreigners live harmoniously with their German neighbours. Year in, year out, the Germans demonstrate their solidarity with other nations through extensive relief campaigns, through their generous donations for the benefit of people in the former Soviet Union, and through their considerable aid for the Kurds and the starving people of Somalia. Germany owes its unity to the dismantling of confrontation in Europe and to the trust we have gained through our European policy and through our not having pursued a national course. We derive from this a responsibility. We shall continue to give our full support to European unification and global cooperation based on partnership, especially within the United Nations. We shall use all our energy in favour of human rights and against oppression, in favour of global solidarity and against excessive nationalism. This is the essence of the foreign policy of the united Germany for which I stand.