First, I wish to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to this
important post. The fact that a representative of Bulgaria has assumed this
post at the head of the Assembly at precisely this time is a sign of the
importance that the world community attaches to the peaceful democratic
revolution in Eastern Europe. And we are proud that our countries, linked by
ties of traditional friendship, are treading this path together.
The democratic movement has prevailed in the cold war. For the first
time in history unprecedented opportunities have opened up for the
implementation of the principles proclaimed by the United Nations.
The post-confrontational and post-communist world is not a
pax Sovietica. a pax Americana, a pax Islamica or a pax Christiana, nor is it
a monopolistic system of any kind, but rather the multipolar unity in
diversity that the United Nations has symbolized from the very outset.
For the present, such a world is only a possibility yet to be realized
through our joint efforts. Realism leaves no room for euphoria. A difficult
period of transition lies ahead. But realism compels us to reject any
alternative to the democratic choice.
Russia, which has rejected communism, has, perhaps more than any other
country, learned from its own experience that there can be no alternative to
democratic development; our country voted for democracy during the first
nation-wide presidential election in its history, and defended it at the
barricades around the Moscow White House. Neither the President, nor the
Government, nor the majority of Parliament, nor the country at large will turn
aside from the path of reform, no matter how difficult it may prove.
Totalitarianism robbed Russia both of its unique identity and of the
possibility of self-fulfilment in its relations with other nations. Through
its self-imposed isolation, the richest country of Eurasia became the sick man
of Europe and Asia. In contrast, only an open society and a policy of
openness will enable Russia to find and play to the fullest extent its unique
and historic role.
This policy has its roots in an age-old Russian idea. Back in the
thirteenth century Saint Alexander Nevsky, one of the founders and defenders
of the Russian State, said: "God is to be found not in power but in truth".
Today this is the policy of the true national interests of the Russian
State as a normal rather than an aggressive great Power, as one that
recognizes and shoulders its responsibilities as a permanent member of the
Security Council.
The basic elements of this policy are as follows: partnership and
alliance for democracy and a dynamic market economy with countries that share
these values; good-neighbourly relations with all neighbouring States;
comprehensive strengthening of the Commonwealth of Independent States,
strategic partnership with Ukraine, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and all
other countries created in the place of the former Soviet Union; and
solidarity and mutually advantageous cooperation with all the members of the
world community.
Russia intends to act in support of United Nations efforts to address
the twofold task of the democratization of societies and the renewal of
international relations. This is consonant with the concluding statement of
the summit meeting of the Security Council, with Secretary-General
Boutros Boutros-Ghali's report "An Agenda for Peace" and with the first
statements already made from this rostrum. Russia is ready to give practical
support to the proposals made yesterday by George Bush, President of the
United States.
First of all, it is necessary to extinguish armed conflicts.
The Russian Federation will increase its efforts to eliminate conflicts
inherited from the past in the territory of the former USSR, bearing in mind
the special interest and responsibility of Russia in strengthening the
civilized principles of the United Nations and the Conference on Security and
Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) in this part of the world.
Russia supports the participation of the new independent States in these
two organizations and other international forums. We welcome their
representatives in this Hall.
We categorically reject imperialistic ambitions, diktat and violence,
both in the area of the former USSR and in other parts of the world. Should
political means fail, force can and should be used to separate the warring
sides, to protect human rights and humanitarian missions and to restore peace
in strict conformity with the Charter of the United Nations.
Agreements for cease-fires and for the establishment of peace-keeping
forces, concluded with Russian participation, are already in effect in
Ossetia, the Dniester region and Abkhazia, where Russian soldiers are carrying
out their peace-keeping duties. Together with CSCE, we will strive to end the
war and bring peace to Karabakh and to secure the integrity of Tajikistan and
bring national reconciliation to that country. In all those efforts we count
on continued active cooperation with the United Nations.
We support efforts aimed at forcing Iraq to implement the decisions of
the United Nations and ensuring at the same time the territorial integrity and
the peaceful nature of that State. For that purpose, Russia has sent two
naval vessels to the Persian Gulf.
We also must ensure that the demands of the Security Council are
complied with by all the Yugoslav sides and must enable them to maintain
contact with the United Nations. A Russian infantry battalion is serving
honourably with the United Nations forces in Yugoslavia.
I agree with the preceding speaker concerning the need to support the
efforts of Mr. Panic for the practical implementation of the intentions he has
declared.
Russia will continue to cooperate actively with the other permanent
members of the Security Council and with all the parties concerned in
order to seize the opportunity for a peaceful settlement in the Middle
East, Cambodia, Angola and other areas of conflict.
We have no doubt that it is the task of the United Nations to combat
violence with force based on law, with its potential for enforcing peace.
The Blue Helmets should take action in response even when they are fired
upon.
It is time to strengthen the capacity of the Security Council to
take swift and decisive action in humanitarian emergency situations
arising from mass violations of human rights and inter-ethnic clashes,
including those within national borders.
It is important to strengthen the preventive component of United Nations
activities. This includes the establishment of hot lines to United Nations
Headquarters, the submission of intelligence information to the
Secretary-General and the further development of fact-finding.
Enhanced United Nations efforts to safeguard human rights and the rights
of national minorities are also a priority. In the past it was chiefly the
victims of totalitarian regimes and ideologies who needed protection. What is
increasingly needed now is to combat the aggressive nationalism that is
emerging as the new global threat.
The replacement of ideological intolerance with national and religious
intolerance would threaten the world which is increasingly becoming one
world - with rifts just as serious and with national, regional and global
catastrophes. Democratic Russia categorically rejects any form of chauvinism,
be it Russophobia or anti-Semitism.
We feel special concern at the growing discriminatory practices against
Russians, Ukrainians, Jews and all other non-indigenous nationalities in some
of the new States that have emerged in the territory of the former USSR,
particularly in Estonia and Latvia. A situation in which 42 per cent of the
population of the Estonian Republic are disenfranchised is totally
inconsistent with international law.
We have raised and will continue to raise these issues in the United
Nations and other forums. We have the right to do so, among other reasons,
because the countries in question won their independence, to a substantial
extent, through the triumph of the democrats in Russia. The practices I have
referred to can in no way be justified by invoking the problem, inherited from
the USSR, of the withdrawal of armed forces from the Baltic States. We are
already working together to resolve that problem, and we intend to resolve it
as soon as possible; however, due regard must also be given to the rights of
those who are in military uniform.
It would be appropriate to give thought to a joint interpretation of the
international trusteeship system set forth in the Charter of the United
Nations, particularly since one of its basic objectives is and I quote the
Charter - "To encourage respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms
for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion". That
system has brought many nations to independence. Today national minorities
desperately need the trusteeship of the world community.
The fate of former Soviet servicemen taken prisoner in Afghanistan
remains one of the gravest humanitarian problems. We call upon the General
Assembly to proclaim its support for the urgent resolution of this problem.
The rejection of the game of "nuclear roulette" in favour of cooperation
in the interests of strategic stability for all and with the participation of
all States concerned is reflected in the agreements on further drastic cuts in
strategic offensive arms and on a global defense system reached in Washington
by the Presidents of Russia and the United States of America.
Reaffirming its commitments under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons, the Russian Federation invites all countries that have not
yet done so to join the Treaty as non-nuclear-weapon States. It is our belief
that all the former Republics of the USSR, including Ukraine, Belarus and
Kazakhstan, will do so. This step should be taken as soon as possible, since
the entry into force of the treaty on strategic offensive arms depends on it.
We expect that a sense of high responsibility and a readiness to reach
compromise solutions will prevail in the decisive phase of the approval of the
Convention on the banning of chemical weapons.
Russia is in favour of control, including control through the United
Nations, over international arms transfers, especially over offensive and
highly destructive weapons. The approach taken with respect to regimes that
disregard the standards of international law should be particularly strict.
There is an obvious need for the development of concrete
military-industry conversion programmes, not only through the efforts of
individual countries but also through the combined action of the international
community. The United Nations and its specialized agencies could play a
pioneering role in this endeavour. In the long run, real disarmament and the
conversion of military industries to peaceful production will make it possible
to release additional resources for the needs of development.
But development cannot be achieved without ensuring full political and
economic rights and freedoms, without releasing human creative potential in a
market environment. Russia has learned this from its own experience.
For a successful solution of the problems of development, it is extremely
important to strengthen the interaction between the United Nations and the
Bretton Woods institutions. Herein lies the key to the harmonization of the
world community's efforts in such areas as support of macroeconomic reforms
and technical assistance and the provision of help in resolving social
problems. Both developing and developed countries will benefit from this.
The United Nations Conference at Rio de Janeiro reinforced the consensus
on the need to integrate development policies and environmental protection.
The task of renewing international relations calls for the
rationalization of the United Nations itself and of the United Nations
system. The desire of some States to play a more active role in the United
Nations is quite natural. The Charter provides ample scope for this. In
particular, the Charter permits the Security Council to establish auxiliary
bodies in which many States would participate. We are convinced that the
United Nations and other international organizations will play a growing role
in regulating international relations.
In conclusion, I should like to address you, Mr. Secretary-General.
Russia supports your efforts to bring about the settlement of international
crises, to improve the efficiency of the United Nations Secretariat and the
coordination of the activities of all international agencies.
Support of the United Nations presupposes the fulfilment of financial
obligations to the Organization. Despite its economic difficulties, in the
period from September of this year to March 1993 Russia will pay $130 million
as partial payment of our arrears to the United Nations and an additional
$30 million to other agencies.
Your recent statements in Moscow, Mr. Secretary-General, have confirmed
the similarity of our vision of the great future of the United Nations.