It is with a
full awareness of the significant turning point reached by the world and the
United Nations that the delegation of the Republic of Congo is approaching the
work of this forty-seventh session of the General Assembly over which
Mr. Ganev has the honour and privilege of presiding. On my own and my
delegation's behalf, I should like to congratulate him on his unanimous
election to the presidency. The General Assembly's choice reflects the high
esteem and prestige which his country, Bulgaria, enjoys on the international
scene. It is equally a tribute to his experience and personal qualities.
I also wish once again to offer our profound gratitude to his
predecessor. Ambassador Samir Shihabi of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, who
skilfully guided the forty-sixth session.
My delegation would like to ensure Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the
Secretary-General of the United Nations, of its full cooperation.
Lastly, I wish to extend a warm welcome to the new Members, whose
admission further strengthens the universality of the United Nations. I am
pleased to say that the delegation of the Republic of the Congo will be happy
to work with them during the forty-seventh session and in the future.
The cold war has run its course. Upon the ruins of more than 40 years of
extreme tension. States and the United Nations system are striving to organize
on this planet a new, more democratic and more humane order. Under the
impetus of world developments, which have galvanized the spirit of reform
everywhere, the United Nations as an institution is undergoing a process of
change. It has accordingly undertaken major initiatives in the realm of
cooperation for development and in the realm of peace-keeping operations and
the restoration of peace.
What new ideas are emerging? What are their chances of success? What
risks are posed to human rights and democracy by the challenges of growing
poverty, third-world debt, the AIDS pandemic, drugs, and ethnic and religious
hatreds, and by ecological disasters or those that, as we approach the end of
the century, result from the world population explosion?
As has been stated, the meeting held by the Security Council on
31 January 1992 was the first it had ever held at the level of Heads of State
or Government. That summit symbolized the end of an era of discord that had
long paralysed the United Nations. It is understandable that the
international Organization should henceforth seek to define itself. It wishes
to strengthen its potential in various areas, while at the same time
increasing its efficacy in complying with the provisions of the Charter.
Africa and the developing countries are active partners in reform. For
is that not part of a new universalism which has become more urgent and whose
aim remains the satisfaction of fundamental needs? Let us concern ourselves
as much with the flowering of dignity and human rights as with the economic
and social well-being of all peoples.
For Africa in particular, external assistance stands as a basic
principle. But it is also to a large extent the starting point of Africa's
development. That is why Africa will remain vigilant about subtle proposals
that tend to marginalize its relations with the world system. Thus, in this
new interplay of interests aimed at introducing a new culture into the United
Nations, Africa has everything to gain by preserving, for instance, the
decisive role the United Nations plays, under the relevant provisions of the
Charter, in the realm of cooperation for economic and social development.
In all times, the Governments that we have the honour to represent have
assumed to right to lead people by assuming the duty to address forcefully the
needs of the immediate present, the hypothetical, the near future, and the
long-term. The first ambition remains to work for better societies that offer
the citizen, both as an individual and as part of the whole, less alienation
and less constraint with more knowledge and more freedom.
It is noteworthy that in the constant struggle for man and society, the
community of nations assembled within the United Nations has accompanied
national efforts with appropriate assistance. The General Assembly, ennobled
by its solemn nature, captures the resounding echo of public opinion from
around the world. In this respect, it is a major source of hope. The demands
which the Organization must now meet are unprecedented in their nature. The
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, in his report on the work of the
Organization, has written that:
"The turning-point in the scale and scope of United Nations
activities can be discerned after the year 1987. For the first time in
many years, agreement on a wide range of issues became possible,
effectively marking an end to the cold war." (A/47/1, para. 14)
Thus, today more than ever, the debate in the General Assembly is rich with a
variety of issues that illustrate the expanding role of the Organization.
In actual fact, what is involved are generally new, modern challenges
that the States Members of the Organization will have to confront. This state
of affairs, disturbing in itself, is mitigated by the dispelling of some
problems. Furthermore, a number of diverse national experiences, full of
opportunity and hope, have developed in recent years and acquired real
significance for freedom and restored democracy in a number of countries.
I once again welcome the fact that the United Nations is contributing
actively to the democratization efforts of these nations, which are referred
to in the report on the work of Organization that I have already mentioned. I
should like to address the specific case of the institutions in my country,
the Congo.
In specific terms, the Republic of the Congo is moving towards an
enlarged and more participatory democracy, the blossoming of the intellectual
and psychological potential of the Congolese people, and the growth of
national solidarity. Decentralization, the keystone of the new policy of
Professor Pascal Lissouba, the first democratically elected President of the
Republic, will grant administrative powers to regions in the areas of
management and economic development.
There are two dimensions involved in this: the rehabilitation or
construction of administrative installations, and the promotion of initiative
and innovation in the area of development and the rural environment. The aim
is to improve living conditions for the poorest sectors of the population by
giving them the means to gain access to decent housing, with the emphasis on
local building materials, water supply and sanitation, family health, the
education of infants, and income-generating activities.
In the course of this year, 1992, through the exercise of universal
suffrage, the Congolese people, during successive free and fair elections
performed their duties as active citizens under the supervision of
international observers, to whom my Government expresses its profound
gratitude for the very beneficial assistance they provided our country. The
happy outcome of these elections today heralds a new era, that of democracy,
to which our people is henceforth committed. Congolese public opinion,
revitalized by a reborn national press, has effectively contributed to
averting political violence. In short, the Congo is now engaged in meaningful
structural reform, starting at the institutional level.
The Congo's new Constitution, adopted by referendum on 15 March 1992,
during the transitional period following the national conference, increases
freedoms in all areas. Almost 45 articles make up chapter II of the
Constitution on rights and fundamental freedoms. Our Constitution also
provides for balanced public powers and seeks to establish strengthened
solidarity and equity.
The establishment of democracy at the local level not without its risks
set the first conclusive test for the Congolese people. Local councils and
mayors were elected by universal suffrage. Despite some inevitable but minor
hitches, the overall system functioned in a satisfactory manner.
It is important to note the people's commitment to the new political,
economic, social, and cultural foundations upon which, after 30 years of error
and disarray, the new political legitimacy of our country now rests. A
bicameral parliament has been elected, with predominance given to the first
chamber, the National Assembly, to which the government is accountable. Its
functioning reflects the meticulous Congolese electoral process.
This process culminated with the presidential election held on 2 and
16 August 1992. This final phase readily highlighted to public opinion, long
unfamiliar with such things, the complex interplay of the many political
parties and their strategic alliances. The presidential election was carried
out in two ballots. It was hotly contested. The Congolese electors voted
without constraint in secret ballot. Professor Pascal Lissouba was elected
President of the Republic of the Congo.
message of the President of the Republic, His Excellency
Professor Pascal Lissouba. There are many reasons for hope nowadays. For our
country, the message proclaims, there is an irresistible democratic urge that
has freed energies and galvanized enthusiasm. Everything has once more become
possible.
This historic new beginning implies a break with a development
fundamentally based on such factors external to our civil society as
international assistance, negotiated or imposed improvement in the terms of
trade, foreign investment, and the preponderant intervention of the State.
The new idea is that economic development and social progress should be based
principally on the sense of initiative, the creativity of individuals and the
civil society, and on their capacity to act, innovate, and better manage the
human resources and riches of the Congo.
As will have been noted, Congo's ambitions are bold. Mindful of the
magnitude of the task before us, the President of the Republic of Congo has
stated:
"The concept of democracy nowadays may appear to be a gift. It is a
culture, and any culture is a blending. Thus we, by virtue of our own
culture, which involves a methodical and deliberate search for consensus,
must mitigate the inhumane or hard-to-accept aspects of a democracy
fashioned in other climes."
The President went on to ask: "What is law without custom?" That is why he
calls for:
"respect for the assets of the community and for the love of work. This
is what it will take to win the respect of our partners, even this must
necessarily rest with strengthening our links with our usual partners"-
In this vital recovery effort, the Government of national union and the
Congolese people will be able to derive the greatest possible benefit from
cooperation with industrialized countries, with international organizations,
including non-governmental organizations, and from the contribution of new
forms of cooperation, without frontiers, between towns, regions and
enterprises in the north and in the south.
Members will not be surprised to hear me speak of certain major problems
that call for the attention of the international community and, hence, of the
United Nations. It is quite natural that any member State might ask itself
"What can be done? Where can we start?" It seems to us that the general
debate is an excellent opportunity to gather together the material for a
response to these questions, on the basis of proposals and of the desire of
some to take action and others to refrain from taking action.
What is our attitude at this moment of great political and ideological
upheaval? The Congo shares the view that it is essential that the United
Nations continue to be an especially well-suited forum for the analysis of
events and for concept development, particularly in respect of socio-economic
problems, in a spirit of renewed partnership. Indeed, the United Nations must
serve as the right institution within which to strive for global solutions.
Those solutions must take into account the political, humanitarian and
socio-economic dimensions of world problems. My delegation endorses this
approach, particularly with respect to assistance, trade, the transfer of
technologies, commodity prices and debt relief.
There is a prevailing feeling that the United Nations has a fresh
opportunity to attain the objectives of the Charter - in particular, the
maintenance of peace and the restoration of peace and, it should be added
since the summit meeting of the Security Council, the promotion of preventive
diplomacy. Despite all the scepticism. Member States would be justified in
keeping alive the flame that was lit on 31 January in New York. In this
respect my delegation cannot but associate itself with the wise words that
have already been spoken from this rostrum.
Sadly, it must be acknowledged that the end of the cold war has not put
an end to age-old antagonisms. After so many promising and hopeful events, we
witnessed the Yugoslav crisis break out suddenly in the heart of Europe. In
Africa, in addition to the mounting violence in South Africa violence that
reflects the difficult birth pangs of a democratic, non-racial and united
South Africa the Liberian and Somalian tragedies continue to give us reason
to fear the destabilization of a number of States. As representatives must be
well aware, all these concerns have an impact on subregional security.
Is it still acceptable that, in a world rich in rights and freedoms, not
all peoples are really receiving the benefit thereof? Continued tribal or
ethnic conflicts, accompanied by war crimes, if viewed with indifference, may
lead almost unnoticed to the extermination of tens of thousands of people. In
Europe, people are dying in the name of ideology, and in Somalia, in the
extreme eastern part of the African continent, the situation is even more
tragic. Drought, combined with mindless blood-letting by clans fighting over
the shreds of power, are claiming thousands of victims. There is undoubtedly
a need for more international assistance. Here, once again, the activities of
the United Nations deserve praise.
We should also hail the role of the non-governmental organizations in
their daily endeavours in the service of the human individual, as a gesture of
solidarity with mankind, regarded in its universal nature as a reasonable
being. The picture is not an entirely gloomy one, if we can judge by the
glimmers of hope coming from the talks that are under way in, for example,
Liberia and the Middle East.
In the case of South Africa, all parties must agree to end the violence,
and they must show restraint. The parties must cooperate in order to bring
about the earliest possible resumption of the negotiation process. The
developments of the last few weeks give us grounds to hope that this will,
indeed, happen. In any event, the Republic of the Congo supports the
initiatives and all the efforts being made by the international community to
find the right solutions to these questions. It is in this spirit that,
despite its difficult economic circumstances, the Congo is contributing to
various operations within the United Nations framework. Recently we
participated in the United Nations Angola Verification Mission (UNAVEM II),
following the positive experience of our presence in UNAVEM I.
Likewise, my country supports the initiatives and decisions relating to
arms reduction, the halting of nuclear tests and the endeavours intended to
promote transparency in international transfers of conventional arms.
The promotion of confidence-building, peace and security is still the
constant concern of many States - in particular, the States of the central
African subregion. In this context, in May, the Standing Advisory Committee
on Security Matters was created under the auspices of the United Nations.
This is one more instrument in the system of subregional cooperation.
Although we must unite our efforts to overcome war, it is not true that
the peoples that are not experiencing the turmoils of war are necessarily
living in peace. A glance at a map of the world proves that the reverse is
true. Africa, for example, is suffering from drought, famine and disease an
appalling picture that calls for action from the community of nations.
It is clear that, along with the questions of the maintenance of peace,
drug abuse, the environment and humanitarian assistance, Africa is one of the
five priorities of the United Nations in the 1990s. Paradoxically, however,
since the adoption, on 18 December 1991, of the United Nations New Agenda for
the Development of Africa in the 1990s, the implementation of that programme,
based on a new partnership, is suffering from a lack of priority. This
situation requires attention.
The problems of drug abuse present another painful and devastating
picture for the peoples of the continents of Europe, America and Asia. How
can we successfully tackle all these challenges and others the acquired
immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) pandemic, for example without cooperation
and solidarity between States?
There is one undeniable fact: the aspiration to democracy is now
universal. This heightened awareness should be regarded as a tremendous
advance that will promote peace and security in the world. For the developing
countries, our thinking should now concentrate on the future and the fate of
that democracy in other words, on how to build on the achievements stemming
from the advent of a democratic system in a good number of countries. In
other words, democracy and development are indivisible. It is only by linking
the two aspects of the question that we shall be able to derive the proper
benefits from the changes that we all nowadays recognize as significant on the
eve of the third millennium.