Permit me to extend to you, Mr.
President, our heartfelt congratulations on your election, which demonstrates
Member States' conviction that you have the ability to conduct the work of
this session of the General Assembly with diplomatic skill and efficiency. I
assure you of the support of the delegation of Liechtenstein.
I should like to also express to your predecessor.
Ambassador Samir Shihabi, our recognition of his outstanding conduct of the
business of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session.
Furthermore, I wish to take this opportunity to pay tribute to you, Mr.
Secretary-General, for your efforts better to equip the United Nations to meet
the new challenges it faces as a result of the far-reaching changes taking
place in the world. We hope that the Organization, under your leadership and
in close cooperation and agreement with Member States and other United Nations
organs and bodies, will be able to continue to perform its important duties
effectively. It is my hope that close cooperation will develop between you
and my country.
Two years ago Liechtenstein was accepted as the one hundred and
fifty-ninth member of the United Nations. This occasion was for my country
the culmination of its efforts to become an equal partner in the international
community of States and to share responsibility for overcoming the global and
regional problems we face today.
The two years of our membership have been marked by far-reaching
political changes. As one of the consequences of these changes, 20 new
Members have been admitted to the United Nations since 1990. Accordingly,
Liechtenstein would like particularly to welcome those countries that have
become Members of the United Nations this year: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia
and Herzegovina, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Croatia, the Republic of
Moldova, San Marino, Slovenia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.
Since its entry Liechtenstein has sought to be an active member of the
United Nations, although as a small country our possibilities are very
limited. We are thankful for the understanding Member States have shown for
our special situation.
All States, whether small or large, whether powerful or powerless, need
the United Nations. Small States, however, have special grounds for belonging
to the world Organization. One of these is the fact that the United Nations
is based on a requirement of universal respect for the law of nations;
sovereignty, especially that of a small State, can be secured, ensured and
guaranteed only when all States, especially the large and powerful, respect
international law. We have confidence in the United Nations, but at the same
time we are aware that the Organization cannot resolve all conflicts. It can,
however, establish standards of conduct for the civilized behaviour of nations
towards one another.
For a short time after the end of the cold war we believed that we were
going through a phase of almost exclusively positive changes and upheavals.
Democratic Governments were replacing authoritarian regimes, and millions of
people were attaining the freedom they had long been denied. But that time
was short-lived. Today the international community of States finds itself
facing no fewer problems than before. Instead of a diminution, there has been
a deepening of the North-South conflict; regional conflicts driven by ethnic,
religious, social and cultural differences are coming to a head; and
environmental damage is threatening us and future generations.
Simultaneously, however, expectations have risen and prospects improved
of the United Nations being able to play more fully the role that was
envisaged for it when it was established. Liberation from the burden of the
big-Power confrontation has indeed made our peoples and nations clearly aware
of the world's mutual interdependence, but we are still not of one mind
regarding the order in which to list the problems to which the United Nations
should devote its priority attention. Quite obviously, the structures of an
organization founded 47 years ago need to be adapted to the realities and new
demands of these greatly changed times.
We therefore welcome the Secretary-General's report, "An Agenda for
Peace" (A/47/277), and see it as providing a useful basis for the efforts to
improve the capacity of the United Nations to establish and maintain peace in
the world. We believe that the proposals regarding preventive diplomacy in
particular, contained in section III of the report, need to be looked at very
closely with a view to creating means of preventing disputes or limiting their
escalation.
Internal conflicts have become a special challenge to the community of
States. Ethnic, social or religious disagreements often give rise to regional
instability. We are aware of the fact that a number of the new States Members
of the United Nations, in particular, are in an extremely difficult economic
and political situation.
Liechtenstein would like in this connection to express particularly its
sympathy with the victims of the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The war
unleashed by the aggression of Serbia and Montenegro is causing great human
suffering in that country. We are following with deep concern the continuing
reports of massive and systematic violations of human rights and international
humanitarian law, for which all parties to the conflict are responsible. The
killing of innocent human beings and the destruction of an irreplaceable
cultural heritage must stop, and all parties must immediately make efforts to
bring about a peaceful solution to their difficult problems. We support the
declaration of principles issued on the occasion of the London Conference,
held on 26 and 27 August 1992, and the framework established by the Conference
participants within which a comprehensive political solution to the crisis is
to be sought. We express our hope that the political will demonstrated in
London will be transformed into specific actions and that the follow-up
negotiations taking place in Geneva will soon yield positive results.
It is within that framework that I should like to refer to the initiative
that the Head of State of the Principality of Liechtenstein,
His Serene Highness Prince Hans-Adam II, introduced in his address to the
forty-sixth session of the General Assembly.
On that occasion His Serene Highness referred to the need to find ways
of promoting peaceful solutions to the many conflicts which have their roots
in the tensions which exist between communities within States. His Serene
Highness considered that such solutions should be sought within the framework
of the principle of self-determination.
Liechtenstein is aware of the consideration already given within the
United Nations and indeed within other bodies - to the principle of self-
determination. We acknowledge the great international effort devoted to this
question in the past.
The right to self-determination as a principle is now universally
accepted. I would recall not only that self-determination is one of the
foundations of the Charter but also that most States represented in the
Assembly are already under certain specific legal obligations in this area by
virtue of Article 1 of each of the great human rights Covenants of 1966.
There it is formally and with legally binding effect acknowledged that:
"All peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of
that right they freely determine their political status and freely
pursue their economic, social and cultural development."
Despite all this, and with some notable exceptions, the practical and
peaceful application of that principle has often been lacking. Tensions
between distinctive communities within States, or between such communities and
the State itself, persist in many parts of the world. Regrettably, they have
in a number of instances led to outbreaks of serious violence. Apart from the
human suffering which results, such tensions and violence often affect
neighbouring States, and may have a more widespread impact on the maintenance
of international peace generally. Much can be done to try to limit the
suffering once the violence has started; but how much better it would be to go
to the root of the problem which is often to be found in the frustrations of
distinctive communities when they are denied the legitimate expression of their
communal identities and aspirations.
I am glad to say that His Serene Highness's statement last year
attracted the interest of a number of delegations. During the past year we
have undertaken extensive consultations, and we have benefitted greatly from
constructive suggestions which delegations have been kind enough to make. We
are most grateful to all those Governments for the interest they have shown.
We have also sought, and taken into account, some independent expert views.
It is against this background that Liechtenstein believes that the
international community, through this Assembly, should take steps to make the
right of self-determination more effective, and by doing so contribute to the
avoidance of some future conflicts. It is our conviction that the time has
now come for the international community, through the United Nations, to offer
a realistic way forward, by establishing a practical framework through which
communities can give expression to their distinctive qualities.
Such a practical framework would need to satisfy four main requirements:
First, there should be flexible and graduated forms of
self-determination involving different levels of autonomy, taking account of
the differing needs of differing communities and the States of which they form
part; a subdivided community which allows its various parts to pursue the
common goal in their own way can on occasion be a very good expression of the
principle of self-determination;
Secondly, communities invoking the principle of self-determination
should renounce resort to violence and commit themselves to pursuing their
aims through peaceful means only;
Thirdly, assistance in the effective realization of the principle of
self-determination should be available through independent procedures; and
Fourthly, a proper balance must be maintained between self-determination
and the territorial integrity of States.
Subject always to those requirements being met, we believe that the
international community should recognize that self-determination is an
inherent attribute of all communities which possess a distinctive social and
territorial identity. This involves the free choice by each community of its
political, social, economic and cultural destiny in accordance with the best
interests of its members.
Self-determination, it must be stressed, is not necessarily or even
primarily a matter of moving towards independent statehood. Indiscriminate
independence would lead to the fragmentation of the international community
and would insufficiently respect the territorial integrity of States. In
reality, however, full independence is, if only for purely practical reasons,
the least likely outcome in most cases.
Respect for diversity can be adequately reflected in other ways.
Self-determination can take various forms, as may be best suited to each
community's and each State's particular circumstances.
It is important to retain the essential flexibility of the concept. But
in all cases where there exists a community with a sufficient degree of
distinctive identity, it seems right that a certain basic level of autonomy
should be acknowledged. I am referring to such very elementary matters as
non-discrimination against the community or its members, their freedom to
practice and enjoy their distinctive community characteristics, and their
participation in appropriate ways in public affairs, particularly in matters
directly affecting the community's interests. A commitment to acknowledge
such a modest degree of autonomy for all communities that merit it should not,
we believe, cause serious problems for any Member of the United Nations.
More advanced levels of autonomy will be appropriate for communities
whose particular circumstances demonstrate their fitness to enjoy them. But
we do not think it would be realistic for the United Nations to seek to lay
down detailed mandatory requirements for the self-determination of communities
with a vast range of distinctive characteristics, settled within States whose
own histories are so diverse. Anything beyond the sort of basic level of
autonomy to which I have referred is probably best left to be developed on an
optional basis and case by case the circumstances being so diverse that each
is best left to be treated on its own merits.
Nevertheless, there would, in our view, be some advantage in the United
Nations indicating the kinds of further elements which might find a place in
the more advanced levels of autonomy. These further elements of autonomy
would progressively add to the degree to which the community conducts its own
affairs but would only be available to a community with satisfactory
experience and even then, only if the State concerned is ready to accept the
community's more advanced level of autonomy.
In this complex area we cannot assume that any general principle or
procedures which might be agreed internationally will be applied without
difficulty in particular cases. We should therefore also envisage that some
procedures be available to assist if any difficulties arise in the application
of the principle of self-determination and to assist with the peaceful
resolution of any differences there might be.
A number of delegations with which we have discussed our ideas in general
terms suggested that it would be advantageous for the matter which, as well
as being of great political importance, is also of considerable technical
complexity - to be the subject of some further examination by a group of
experts so as to facilitate the progress which may eventually be made in this
Assembly.
We have accordingly concluded that the most appropriate course will be
for the Government of Liechtenstein to invite each Government represented in
the Assembly and that includes those here as observers to nominate an
independent expert to attend an informal meeting of experts in Liechtenstein
next March. We hope that the experts attending that meeting will be able to
assist us in further developing the ideas advanced initially by
His Serene Highness at the forty-sixth session of the Assembly. We envisage
that the experts nominated to attend will do so in their personal capacities,
since we believe that by adopting procedures which avoid committing
Governments we are more likely to have a constructive and expert discussion.
Invitations to nominate experts to attend the meeting will be issued during
the course of the present session. In the light of the views expressed at the
meeting of experts, the Government of Liechtenstein will consider how best to
return to the Assembly, perhaps at its next session in 1993, with proposals
for carrying further the initiative introduced last year by His Serene
Highness.
As the international community makes progress, however haltingly, towards
preventing the outbreak of violent conflicts between States, it becomes all
the more important that together we seek ways of avoiding the no less inhuman
consequences of civil wars between communities within a State. In informing
the Assembly of the lines along which our thinking on this important and
sensitive matter is developing, I hope that I may have demonstrated the depth
of our concern that some way should be found of controlling one major source
of much violence and human suffering in today's world.
May I express my hope that the new spirit of cooperation in the United
Nations will help enable us to discharge the responsibility entrusted to us
and to find, in consensus, solutions to the manifold problems that we face.
My delegation is ready to make its contribution in order to achieve, in
efficient cooperation with other delegations, the objectives of the United
Nations.