It is a great pleasure and privilege for me to
congratulate you. Sir, in the name of the Ghana delegation, on the honour that
the Assembly has conferred on you by electing you to preside over the affairs
of its forty-seventh regular session. The cordial relations that exist
between our two countries give us added pleasure in your presidency. We
pledge you our support and cooperation during your tenure as President of the
most representative organ of our United Nations.
Permit me to express our gratitude to your predecessor,
Mr. Samir Shihabi, for the excellence that marked his stewardship. He tackled
his assignment with a steadfast sense of commitment, fully charged with a deep
awareness of the historic role that the General Assembly must continue to play
in the expanding importance of our Organization.
We salute the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his
energetic leadership. Within the short period since his assumption of office
he has demonstrated his remarkable skills as an administrator and as an
accomplished diplomat. We renew our pledge to support him in his difficult
and delicate task.
My delegation would also like to take this opportunity to extend a warm
welcome to the new Member States, whose presence among us further enhances the
universality of our Organization.
It was with deep regret and sorrow that we learned of the crash of a
Nigerian military aircraft and of a Pakistan International Airlines aircraft,
with such loss of life. Preliminary information indicates that among the
163 officers reported dead in the crash of the Nigerian military aircraft were
officers from other West African States, including Ghana. We share in the
grief at such a tragic loss. Our condolences go to the bereaved families of
these gallant men, who died in the course of service to our subregion. We
also wish to convey through you. Sir, to the people and Government of Pakistan
our heartfelt condolences on their tragic bereavement.
Once again we, the representatives of the Governments and peoples of the
United Nations, have assembled here to combine our efforts for the promotion
of peace and prosperity for all our peoples. The search for peace is part of
the eternal guest of humanity for a relationship in society that, though
recognizing differences and conflicts of interests, strives for their
resolution without resort to means that could destroy humanity itself. Twice
in recent world history this search has engulfed us in wars. Regrettably, the
period after the Second World War turned the quest into confrontation and
competition marked by unrestrained and costly acquisition of deadly arsenals
of war on the untenable assumption that peace could be guaranteed only by the
highest level of preparedness for war.
This untenable policy of deterrence overshadowed the real causes of
tension in society factors that, in the words of the Charter, have twice
"brought untold sorrow to mankind" and are at the root of conflicts that have
sent our Blue Helmets to the continents of Africa, America, Asia and Europe.
The world now stands on the ashes of the cold war, celebrating the end of
that war. Yet the harsh reality of our world, divided as it is between the
rich and the poor, the strong and the weak, has not been obliterated by the
ending of the cold war nor by the emerging new world order, the contours of
which are far from clear. In this uncertain new world order, we are told that
history must resume. Which history? Is it the history at whose hands vast
areas of our globe suffered so much, and from whose predatory effects we have
yet to fully recover as nations? Or is it the history that launched many of
us into freedom and independence?
Juxtaposed with the challenge of the reality of our world is a historic
and unparalleled opportunity to construct peace, not as an alternative to war,
but as the prerequisite for social progress and better standards of life in
larger freedom, anchored in faith, in true human rights, and in human dignity
and equality.
In the grim reality of our world, which has not been wiped away by the
end of the cold war, we would hear the anguished cries of the more than 30,000
children who will die today, largely from preventable intestinal disorders; of
the 2 million children who will die this year from vaccine-preventable
illnesses; and of the 5 million to 6 million people who will die this year
from diseases that the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) says could
almost certainly be prevented by the development of new vaccines. Four
million people will die by the end of this year, their pleas and those of
their nations for help to cure them of diarrhea ailments ignored. We would
also see the plight of the 1.3 billion human beings with no access to safe
drinking water and the 2.3 billion people world-wide who have no access to
sanitation services. We would see the 135 million human beings who live in
areas afflicted with desert conditions, particularly in Africa, where almost
nothing grows. We would also see that in that part of the world one out of
every five children dies at birth. For those who survive life expectancy
ranges from 42 to 63. During their short span on Earth many of these
relatively lucky ones will be uprooted from their homes by poverty, drought
and natural disasters, all compounded at times by rivalries that are ethnic in
character but emanate largely from quarrels over scarce resources.
These are but a few of the graphic and dehumanizing manifestations that
only partly reflect the world reality in which 70 per cent of the world's
income is produced and consumed by 15 per cent of the world's population
located in the industrialized countries. The World Bank forecasts that there
will be no significant upturn in this lopsided relationship until 1995 or well
beyond.
And the international community is not unaware of the factors that have
conspired to frustrate the efforts of developing countries. Falling commodity
prices, rising protectionism, huge agricultural subsidies, various price
support mechanisms and suffocating debt-servicing may now sound like
repetitive platitudes in some ears. But they are the realities that have
undermined the gallant efforts of the developing countries.
In Africa overall economic output continues to revolve around
3 per cent still lagging behind the population growth. The impact on
investment and growth of the structural reform programmes, which many African
countries continue to undertake, remains disappointing. Debt relief through
rescheduling has proved to be of little real benefit to African countries,
which continue to part with $10 billion a year on debt servicing alone an
expenditure that is several times higher than the expenditure on health and
education put together.
Prospects that such a dehydrating financial outflow would be contained by
increased aid infusion have proved illusory. In its annual report.
Development Cooperation 1991, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD) has confirmed, though indirectly, the fears of the
international community that the preoccupation with developments in Eastern
Europe and the former Soviet Union would aggravate the marginalization of
Africa. According to the OECD, not only did aid from the former Soviet Union
and Eastern Europe to sub-Saharan Africa almost fall to zero, but also aid
disbursements to the same area from other countries remained stagnant.
In contrast, the OECD estimated that pledges from its members in November
1991 to Eastern Europe amounted to $45 billion as compared with its annual
official commitments to Africa of about $34 billion. Furthermore, at their
meeting in Munich in July this year, the Group of Seven industrialized
countries endorsed a package of financial assistance worth $24 billion to the
Russian Federation alone. It is of little wonder, then, that the World Bank,
in its report entitled African External Finance in the 1990s, foresees for
sub-Saharan Africa a financial shortfall ranging from $1 billion to $7 billion
by 1995. It is against this discouraging backdrop that my Government supports
not only the call for the write-off of debts by official creditors and
commercial banks, as well as by multilateral institutions, but also the
convening of the proposed international conference on the financing of
development, which assumes a new urgency in the face of these facts.
The end of the cold war has not brought peace to the world either. It is
true that the danger of nuclear holocaust has now receded into a very remote
possibility. But the world has not become any safer. In its "Jakarta
Message: A Call for Collective Action and the Democratization of
International Relations", the Non-Aligned Movement has aptly observed
"Simmering disputes, violent conflicts, aggression and foreign
occupation,-interference in the internal affairs of States, policies of
hegemony and domination, ethnic strife, religious intolerance, new forms
of racism and narrowly conceived nationalism are major and dangerous
obstacles to harmonious coexistence among States and peoples and have
even led to the disintegration of States and societies".
The disintegration and descent of Yugoslavia into a region of
instability, war, strife and misery is a source of concern to the people and
the Government of Ghana. Unrestrained nationalism that is projected as an
expression of the much-cherished principle of self-determination and the use
of force for the homogenization of populations are as unacceptable and as
warped as they are incapable of promoting peace in an ever-increasingly
interdependent world. Underlying such policies is the obnoxious element of
racial intolerance, which inexorably leads to racism and racial
discrimination. Ethnic homogeneity cannot, and should not, be a prerequisite
for coexistence in a civic society. Fundamental human rights, human dignity
and equality can be meaningful for man only in a society that respects the
worth of the human person, irrespective of colour, race, ethnic origin, creed
or sex. We condemn the notion of "ethnic cleansing" in the strongest terms
possible, just as the world has rejected and condemned every thought and
manifestation of racial superiority.
In our search for a new world order that emphasizes cooperation rather
than confrontation as the means to international peace and security, we have
to monitor developments carefully, if only to draw attention to threats to
peace. We are, therefore, disturbed by the increasing dangers to peace caused
by intolerance, xenophobia, racial and ethnic tensions elsewhere in Europe.
The raising of symbols reminiscent of an ignominious chapter of history, the
baiting of religious minorities, including the desecration of their tombs and
sacred places, as well as racial attacks, constitute inherent threats to
peace. While these manifestations may reflect the frustrations of those who
stand on the fringes of their societies marginalized, unemployed and
neglected the manifestations are none the less unacceptable. We therefore
call upon our Organization and individual Member States to redouble efforts in
promoting peaceful coexistence through respect for each other's race, colour,
ethnicity, religion and sex. My Government is ready to play its full part in
this renewed endeavour.
While my Government does recognize the complexity of the Middle East
crisis, we, nevertheless, regret that the hopes raised by the commendable
initiative launched last year by the United States for a lasting peace in the
subregion still remain only hopes. We urge all parties to be persistent and
cooperative in the search for peace. We also urge the United Nations to be
fully involved in the process so as to assure the speedy realization by the
Palestinian people of the full restoration of their rights and the attainment
of their self-determination in accordance with the relevant United Nations
resolutions.
The full restoration of Kuwaiti sovereignty and territorial integrity was
a reaffirmation of basic principles of inter-State relations. The time has
now come to bury the hatchet and enter a new era of genuine peace and
reconciliation. In that regard, it is our cherished hope that all States will
demonstrate respect for the principles of non-aggression, mutual respect and
non-interference in the internal affairs of others. Outstanding issues, such
as the question of Kuwaiti prisoners of war, must now be promptly resolved to
open the way for Islamic brotherhood, fraternal cooperation and solidarity.
Our Organization needs to remind itself that even though the conflict in
Liberia has been stopped from exploding into a major subregional crisis, it is
far from over. Now that the United Nations, particularly the Security
Council, has been able to define a role for itself in the Yugoslav situation,
it is imperative that our Organization assume its responsibilities in Liberia.
The developing countries of the subregion which have so far borne the weight
of the ECOWAS (Economic Commission of West African States) Cease-fire
Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) deserve the recognition, the encouragement, and the
material and financial support of our Organization. The active involvement of
the United Nations is now required to arrest the deteriorating situation,
brought about largely by the intransigence of one faction.
In our view, the involvement of the United Nations would, furthermore,
not only accelerate the peace process, but also facilitate the restoration of
peace and security in the entire subregion, enabling its countries to focus
their full attention on their economic and social development.
The pervasive breakdown of law and order in Somalia which is hampering
the peace process and relief efforts also deserves the attention of our
Organization. The people and Government of Ghana have heaved a sigh of deep
relief that at long last the Security Council has shown appreciation of the
serious threat that the Somalia situation poses to the political and economic
stability of the subregion and consequently to international peace and
security. The Security Council's handling of the Yugoslav situation should
encourage it to continue, in a more steadfast manner, its efforts in the
search for peace in Somalia. We also call upon the Somali factions currently
engaged in senseless fratricide to desist from placing obstacles in the path
of United Nations agencies and non-governmental organizations in their efforts
to provide humanitarian assistance to the millions of starving Somali people.
We all continue to look on as the Government of Sudan seeks a military
solution to an essentially political problem in the southern part of the
country, thereby resulting in gross abuses of human rights, untold suffering
of the people and an unbearable refugee problem for neighbouring States. The
humanitarian dimension of this problem now calls for United Nations action.
Developments during the year have reminded all of us that determined
efforts would be required to complete the total political emancipation of the
continent of Africa. We regret the postponement of the referendum which was
to have been held in Western Sahara under United Nations supervision to
complete its decolonization. We urge the Secretary-General of the United
Nations, in cooperation with the Secretary-General of the Organization of
African Unity (OAU), to settle all questions of voter eligibility, delays in
the exchange of prisoners and the repatriation of bona fide Saharawis in order
to facilitate the task of the United Nations Mission for the Organization of a
Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO). The inability of the parties to
adhere to the implementation of agreements reached raises questions as to
their commitment to the peace process. We take this opportunity to appeal to
all parties concerned to cooperate fully with the United Nations and the OAU
to bring this chapter of colonial struggle to a close.
In South Africa, the international community had hoped that the
Convention for a Democratic South Africa would contribute to the introduction
of "profound and irreversible changes". In anticipation of the establishment
of an interim government and firm processes leading to a democratically
elected constituent assembly to draw up a constitution for a united,
non-racial and democratic South Africa, the General Assembly at its
forty-sixth session adopted a series of measures to encourage the racist
regime in its efforts to dismantle apartheid. Recent developments would seem
to confirm the view that De Klerk's Government is, on the contrary, pursuing a
double agenda in order to perpetuate the obnoxious system of apartheid.
Whilst posturing and stating its willingness to negotiate, it seeks ways and
means to entrench white supremacy. The Boipatong and Ciskei massacres are
disingenuous provocations of the racist regime designed to derail the process
towards the establishment of an interim government which would work out a new
constitutional framework. The white minority regime and its cohorts stand
accused of violence. They instigate and perpetuate violence against unarmed
peaceful protesters in an attempt to hold on to a moribund and unjust system
and to prevent the march towards a united, democratic, non-racial South Africa.
It is becoming clear that the international community relaxed its
pressure on the racist regime far too early and without due regard for the
warnings of the democratic forces of that country. It should, however, be
made clear to the South African Government that the programmed-management
approach to the lifting of sanctions is intended as a reaction to measures it
would take for the total elimination of apartheid. It should be stressed, in
this regard, that even the people-to-people sanctions would be re-imposed if
the Government does not abandon its stalling of the peace process.
History is littered with instances of situations in which desperation has
driven people to actions which have spilled over their narrow confines to pose
challenges and threats to others. Many peoples have waged heroic struggles to
overthrow the forces of tyranny and exploitation. In spite of the belief that
the Second World War was fought to end the threat to international peace and
security that a particularly racist ideology posed, the greater threat to the
common peace remains an international order that seems bent on denying many of
us our fair share of the very fruits of our labour in a truly free and
equitable market-place.
The world cannot be seen to be encouraging a policy founded on the
dangerous notion that it is only through military might that a sovereign State
can gain respect and acceptability in the international economic system
already dominated by a few.
Popular demands for changes in the world order that manifest themselves
as conflicts the world over cannot be contained by the dispatch of United
Nations peace-keeping forces alone. The people and Government of Ghana salute
the Member States of the United Nations, our distinguished Secretary-General
and his dedicated staff, and all who have been associated with the sterling
successes achieved so far. We share in their pride. But we need to be
reminded often of the self-evident truth that the presence of United Nations
peace-keepers does not by itself guarantee enduring peace. The harrowing
events in Bosnia attest to this. The peace-keeping presence does not even
directly contribute to the solution of the underlying problems that give rise
to the conflict or threat to peace. The United Nations peace-keeping role
should be seen for what it is: an invaluable contribution to containing a
conflict and to the search for a lasting political solution. An international
order that can be secured only through military presence or intervention is
clearly inadequate. It is a rather sad reflection on our search for peace
that as of the end of April 1992, close to $3 billion had been assessed on
Member States for peace-keeping purposes alone, while the United Nations
relatively neglected the economic and social underpinnings of most of these
conflicts and those yet to rear their heads.
The inability of the United Nations since its creation to respond
effectively to our Charter's injunction to combine our efforts to achieve
international cooperation in solving international problems of an economic,
social, cultural or humanitarian character deserves serious and careful review
now that the cold war has been pronounced over.
The relative inaction by the international community and within the
United Nations itself on the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of
Africa in the 1990s speaks eloquently of our misplaced emphasis in our efforts
regarding the establishment of a new world order. The opportunity presented
by the consensus General Assembly resolution 46/151 on the final review and
appraisal of the implementation of the United Nations Programme of Action for
African Recovery and Development 1986-1990, in which the international
community accepted the principle of shared responsibility and full partnership
with Africa, must be a spur to our good intentions, if the continent of Africa
is not to be condemned to a fate worse than that which it has been enduring
this last decade and a half. The unseemly wrangling, which turned into
disappointment for many, at the summit of the United Nations Conference on
Environment and Development (UNCED) in Rio de Janeiro over the transfer of
financial resources and technology to the majority poor, attest to an
insufficient appreciation on the part of many of the developed nations that in
the final analysis world peace depends on the economic and social well-being
of all peoples.
The statement that the Security Council adopted at the end of its
historic summit on 31 January 1992 represented as the Secretary-General has
stated in his report entitled "An Agenda for Peace: Preventive diplomacy,
peacemaking and peace-keeping" an unprecedented recommitment at the highest
political level to the purposes and principles of the Charter. In this
document, however, the primacy of economic relations - nay, the necessity for
a redefinition of the new world order underpinned by economic, trade,
technological and development issues to promote peace sadly received little
attention. Preventive diplomacy cannot and should not be limited to efforts
to prevent the outbreak of conflicts. No standing army, however well-equipped
and well-garrisoned is a bulwark against underdevelopment, poverty and natural
disasters. Preventive diplomacy should also, and even more significantly, be
directed at eliminating the factors that contribute to conflicts. In the
context of international peace and security it should focus on the
establishment of a just world order in which everyone has access to good
drinking water, food, shelter, health and education.
The first significant steps should be taken within our Organization, the
United Nations. The pre-eminent position of the General Assembly in the work
of the Organization should be asserted and reconfirmed. The Charter
provisions, notably Articles 15 and 24(3), must be given full meaning and
effect. It should be emphasized that the Security Council was not conceived
as an executive organ. It is to facilitate decision-making in urgent
situations of the eruption of conflicts that the Members of the Organization
have conferred on it, under Article 24, the primary responsibility for the
maintenance of international peace and security.
Above all, the present composition of the Security Council, with the
outmoded and obviously undemocratic permanent-five arrangement that reflects
the post-Second-World-War situation and its 10 two-year rotative seats for the
rest of the world, flies in the face of a global reality in which we are all
expected to play our part in maintaining the peace. The creeping tendency on
the part of certain nations to see themselves as policy-makers and executors
on behalf of the entire United Nations membership through their predominance
in the Security Council does not send out welcome signals to the rest of us as
equal partners in world affairs. The Security Council, we submit, should be
enabled to perform its functions in a more democratic manner to enhance its
legitimacy in acting on behalf of the membership of the United Nations in
accordance with Article 24 of the Charter.
In this regard we welcome the decision of the Non-Aligned Movement at its
tenth summit in Jakarta to empanel a working group on the revitalization and
restructuring of the United Nations, and hope that the working group will make
a positive contribution towards the democratization of the Organization.
The people and Government of Ghana retain faith and we wish hereby to
reaffirm it in the United Nations to lead the efforts of the international
community in the establishment of a truly new order. We believe that the
United Nations remains the only hope of mankind for peace and prosperity.
Together we must resist the temptation to see some Member States as more equal
than others; to see some Member States as leaders, with all others as mere
followers. For it is through the efforts of all Members, large and small,
acting in concert through our United Nations that we can craft and ensure a
new world order that is just and equitable and reflects the diversity of
mankind, an order in which all nations have a legitimate share and interest as
equals. The people and Government of Ghana rededicate themselves to this
pursuit.