Poland

Please accept my congratulations, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its current session. We are indeed glad to have a distinguished statesman from Africa presiding over important deliberations on global security and development. I am sure that your personal attributes, as well as your diplomatic skills, will ensure the success that is expected from the Assembly. The delegation of Poland will do its best to assist you in your important functions. My compliments go also to the President of the General Assembly at its fifty-third session, Mr. Didier Opertti of Uruguay, for the outstanding commitment he demonstrated during his presidency. It is with satisfaction that we welcome in our midst the new Members of the United Nations: the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga. It was with the utmost attention that we listened to the Secretary-General's introduction of his report on the work of the Organization. His interesting and highly stimulating ideas will guide us throughout the whole fifty-fourth session of the General Assembly. May I assure the Secretary-General of our deep respect and support for all his endeavours. In my statement today, I wish to focus on the three issues which, in my view, are at the centre of discussions within this Organization. These are, first, human freedoms, and in particular the question of rethinking the principle of national sovereignty and non-interference; secondly, current challenges to the United Nations Charter-based system of international security; and thirdly, coping with contradictions of globalization through better international cooperation. We have recently been witnessing new, painful manifestations of ethnic hatred in Kosovo. Armed clashes have again shaken the north Caucasus. East Timor is another example of intolerance and the folly of violence. We pay homage to the victims of this violence. But the people in all the crisis-stricken areas expect more from us than just words of sympathy. We should pose ourselves some questions: could these new outbursts of conflict have been prevented? Is there a political will to head them off in the future? If the answer is positive, then what should be done to translate our political commitment into action in a concerted and effective way? How should the system of international relations be improved to give people the hope that they will not be left defenceless in the face of genocide and persecution? The United Nations Charter-based system of international security was born of the lessons of a devastating world war which started with blatant violations of sovereignty of States. To address this reality, the system of international law and institutions was rightly geared to give those nations a sense of security and to prevent inter-State conflict. Most of today's conflicts, however, are of an intra-State nature. They stem from human rights abuses, social tensions or the collapse of State structures. Can we tackle the new challenges with existing concepts and notions only? We have come to understand that absolute sovereignty and total non-interference are no longer tenable. There is not, and there cannot be, a sovereign right to ethnic cleansing and genocide. We have learned that what should not be repeated is the unacceptable inaction which occurred in the past, such as in the Rwandan crisis. Rwanda demonstrates what Kosovo might have become had we not intervened in 1999. Kosovo demonstrates what Rwanda might have been had we intervened in 1994. The burden of responsibility is enormous, the lesson clear. 5 At the same time, we should follow the principle that our responsibility is the same for all ethnic groups. In Kosovo the ethnic cleansing of Albanians by Serbs has been stopped and reversed, but now we witness that the presence of Serbs and Roma in Kosovo is under threat. In this decade the international community has through its actions — recently in Kosovo and in East Timor — recognized the universal political and moral imperative to act in order to stop gross and systematic violations of human rights. This recognition, setting aside the distinction between inter- and intra-State conflicts, reflects the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations. Indeed, the central figure of the system of the United Nations must be the human being — his or her right to a peaceful life, to personal freedom, to a decent existence and dignity. When human life and freedoms are assailed and individual rights brutally violated, then we must not remain indifferent and unconcerned: we cannot stand idle. The imperative to act raises the question of the right to act. We have recognized that the walls of sovereignty cannot be used to conceal and legitimize the abuse of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Sovereignty cannot mean impunity for genocide and human rights abuses. Let us all remember that it remains one of the fundamental objectives of the United Nations “to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small”. The primacy of the human person and human rights, however, has to be adequately reflected in the application of international law. This is not an easy task, first, because there are still too many cases where behind hypocritical lip-service to human rights there exist practices of curbing and limiting those rights for the sake of preserving political power; secondly, because the legal framework of intervention, which should ensure the possibility of quick and effective action, is too often distorted by selective and subjective interpretations. On the one hand, the banner of humanitarian intervention should not be used as a pretext for imposing political control and domination from the outside. We want to make the walls of sovereignty surmountable, but not for all purposes. On the other hand, the principle of humanitarian intervention has to be fairly and consistently applied to avoid double standards. The development of international law should thus uphold the basic truth that a sustainable, lasting and secure order in international relations can be built only on the freedom of the human being. The principle of solidarity in international relations should grow in importance, since it also provides the key to the effectiveness of the mission of the United Nations. Acting for universal observance of human rights while preserving the necessary content of the notion of sovereignty raises the question of the best strategies for humanitarian intervention. We have but to agree that intervention by force is an instrument of last resort. What is preferable is an early and cooperative engagement to correct the practices that give rise to concern. There is no doubt that armed intervention is a sign of the failure of cooperative methods. We support wholeheartedly the efforts to foster a new culture of prevention. The basis for this philosophy should be the universal recognition that international commitments undertaken by States in the field of human rights are matters of direct and legitimate concern to other States as well, before their abuse degenerates into a threat to international peace and security. Human rights do not belong exclusively to the internal affairs of States. The present session of the General Assembly will lead us into the year 2000. Let this symbolic date inspire us to reflect upon the mission of the United Nations, to make the millennium summit a truly meaningful event. On the eve of the next millennium, the world still needs the United Nations, while the United Nations needs a new vision. Faced with new and more demanding challenges, we are of the opinion that the solutions to them require joint and concerted actions by the whole community of States. The United Nations needs a reinforced commitment by its Member States to the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter. Let us try to find new strength for the Organization by reaching back to the intellectual and normative origins of the United Nations. Contrary to some assertions, we believe that the Charter is not outdated in its basic message. What it needs is a new, fresh and visionary reading in the context of new international realities and 6 challenges. For example, with respect to Chapter VIII of the Charter, we note that many of today's conflicts are local in nature. It is for this reason that the relationship between the United Nations and regional security needs to be further explored. Those actors who are closer to events and have a larger stake in regional stability might be the ones who would be willing to react more promptly and with greater determination. This is why Poland supports increased responsibility of regional organizations for conflict prevention and crisis management. In regions where such organizations exist and have the necessary potential, they should be involved more actively in solving substantial problems. One possible example of how to use them constructively is the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Thus, the key to effective use of the principle of subsidiarity is closer political and operational cooperation between the Security Council and regional organizations. A debate on United Nations reform has been going on for a number of years. The fiftieth anniversary of the Organization stimulated the discussion, which resulted in a universal understanding of the need for changes. Many of those changes have already been implemented, thanks to the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General. This process should, however, be deepened and accelerated. The Security Council offers a case in point. The Security Council, upon which primary responsibility has been conferred for the maintenance of international peace and security, occasionally finds it difficult to act in situations of inter-State or local armed conflicts, even when those situations have a dangerous spillover potential. Whether for reasons of broad ideological motivations or narrow national interests, members can block vitally needed decisions, and adversely affect the security of certain regions. How are we to eliminate situations in which the Security Council is prevented from taking up its responsibilities? How are we to increase the effectiveness of the Security Council, combining effectiveness with enhanced representativeness? Reform of the Security Council is long overdue: let us undertake a decisive effort to make it a reality. Let us think anew of how to strengthen the authority of the Council and preclude the possibility that its decisions will be ignored or misimplemented by individual States. (spoke in French) A few weeks ago, two young Africans froze to death on their flight between Conakry and Brussels. They had stowed away in the landing gear of the aircraft. They left behind a moving appeal addressed to the people and politicians in charge in Europe that has already been quoted in this Hall. In view of the special nature of that appeal, I should once again like to quote from it. They wrote: “Help us. ... We are suffering enormously in Africa. ... We have war, disease and we lack food. ... We wish to be educated and we ask you to help us so that we can study and be, in Africa, just the same as you are”. There is no more eloquent appeal to people's hearts and consciences than those words of despair written by children. We must find the right solutions to the social and economic failures, to the threats and to the lack of prospects that people and societies face and consider the urgent need to change the present framework of international cooperation. Frustration and the lack of social action cause conflict and a lack of stability. We must think about how to integrate our social and economic programmes with the general imperative of the new culture of prevention. Poland is prepared to participate in these efforts, the aim of which is to build a world based on these principles. However, our resources are limited. Our country is only just emerging from a period of major economic crisis caused by the communist system and its centralized planning, with its waste and bad management. Even so, we are now creating a complex and effective system of cooperation for development that will demonstrate our commitment in poverty eradication activities. At the same time, we are prepared to share with other countries the development experience we ourselves have acquired during the process of reform of our political and economic systems over the last 10 years of transformation. Globalization must become a process with a human face. Certain basic principles must be better integrated into the development machinery: specifically, solidarity; combating marginalization; responsibility; and equal opportunity. Combating marginalization: that of the least developed countries, which do not yet enjoy the benefits 7 of globalization. Responsibility: that of Governments in implementing policies of good governance, in respecting human rights and in being aware that the well-being of all people everywhere is just as important as the well-being of their own nations. Equal opportunity: for the poorest, and those who are still sidelined by society. And solidarity: in facing our common challenges — terrorism, organized crime, environmental threats, natural disasters, AIDS — together. Unfortunately, we still have much left to do before we attain these goals. The 1999 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report provides fresh, shocking evidence of social breakdown and threats to human security. The challenges I have just mentioned are just part of a more universal question: how can we respond to the new realities of the world? Global policies have not been fully adapted to cover the increasing number of complicated and contradictory phenomena that cannot be tackled with traditional diplomatic instruments. The process of designing policies is still basically the job of individual nations, whereas the challenges we are facing require creative cooperation at the global level. It is for this reason that, Governments must further integrate the idea of international cooperation into their national policies, while avoiding the temptation of authoritarianism. This, however, highlights the urgent need to revise and strengthen our institutional arrangements regarding the design of global policy, particularly with regard to the most complex problems of trade, finance and the environment. International cooperation must be more open to other actors in civil society by reflecting the rich network of relationships. While several countries are re-evaluating their national policies, democratizing their societies, privatizing their national economies and decentralizing economic and political power, at the international level we are, broadly speaking, still confining ourselves to conventional intergovernmental actions. The United Nations must promote active international cooperation whereby governments and the various sectors of civil society act together towards common goals. In this connection, we welcome the “Partners for Development” initiative of the Secretary-General of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). By breaking from normal practice, this will allow more active participation by the public and private sectors and by representatives of government and the business and intellectual worlds in resolving various complex development problems. (spoke in English) As someone who has witnessed the atrocities but also the tremendous progress that the twentieth century has brought us, I look towards the coming century with much optimism. This optimism is justified first and foremost by the liberation of nations and peoples, the wave of democratization, the market reforms all over the world and the universal understanding of human rights ideals. Fewer people live in constant fear of arbitrary arrest, torture or worse. I also look towards the coming century with hope because I see the predominant will to consolidate those recent achievements.