Ghana

Mr. President, I am pleased to join previous speakers in congratulating you and the other members of the Bureau on your election to guide the work of the fifty-fourth session of the General Assembly. Given your vast diplomatic experience and personal attachment to the principles of the Charter, I have every hope that our deliberations under your guidance will be able to determine the necessary mechanisms for dealing with the numerous challenges facing our Organization as we move into the next century. I also wish to express the deep sense of gratitude of my delegation to your predecessor, His Excellency Didier Opertti, who served with great distinction in the year which marked the implementation of reforms instituted by the Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, to mould the Organization into a tool that can better fulfil the needs of Member States. As we enter a new century, our Organization must make a realistic assessment of developments in the 16 out-going century, especially in this last decade. Such an assessment will indicate that while global peace and security have been pursued relentlessly, they have not been easily nor fully achieved. The reasons are not hard to find. The situation is aggravated by the multiplicity of conflicts that pervades the world, especially in Africa. Intrastate conflicts, rooted in ethnic, racial and religious intolerance, pose a threat to the security and stability of many States and regions. While we welcome the agreements to end the conflict in Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo, the prolonged hostilities in Angola, Somalia, and lately in Kosovo, demonstrate that the international community is still grappling with serious challenges to peace and security. In spite of such setbacks and disappointments, we must continue to maintain trust and confidence in the United Nations ability to achieve sustainable socio-economic development for Member States. But that confidence will be sustained only when the Organization is seen to be truly seeking the interest of all Member States, without exception. In this regard, Member States must give impetus to the reform process that we initiated a decade ago and maintain its dynamism. We also must accept that the core of the reform touches on the Security Council, whose decisions bind all Members of the Organization. The Security Council must therefore not be allowed to become irrelevant. It should be reformed to ensure that it can undertake its responsibilities more effectively under the Charter. And this reform must be guided by the principles of democracy, sovereign equality of States and equitable geographical representation. In this connection, we wholly subscribe to the Non-Aligned Movement’s statement on all aspects of the question of increase in the membership of the Security Council, complemented by the African position as expressed in the Harare declaration of June 1997. Africa’s claim to at least two permanent seats should be adequately addressed, since Africa is the largest regional group in the Organization. We would also like to reiterate the proposal of the Non-Aligned Movement that a periodic review of the structure and functioning of the Security Council is necessary in order to ensure at all times that it responds more effectively to new challenges in international relations, especially in the maintenance of international peace and security. It is only through a restructuring of the Council on these lines that this body can avoid selectivity in dealing with issues of international peace and security and sustainable development. The present unequal handling of the causes and management of conflicts is unacceptable since it indirectly allows some conflicts to drag on. My delegation believes that we can succeed in our collective effort to achieve peace and prosperity in the next century if we begin to speak out boldly against some of the injustices on the international scene. We therefore reiterate our concern over the continued non-compliance with key United Nations resolutions that call for an end to the commercial and financial embargo against Cuba. It is our sincere conviction that the economic blockade of more than three decades’ vintage against Cuba and the Helms-Burton and D’Amato legislation are a breach of international law and a violation of the principles of the United Nations Charter. Particularly, Ghana considers the extraterritorial effect of the Helms-Burton and D’Amato legislation an infringement on the territorial integrity of States and an impediment to international navigation and free trade. In this regard, we are concerned that the economic blockade continues to severely aggravate the plight of Cubans, especially the vulnerable groups such as women, children and the elderly. Given the United States Government’s recent sensitivity to the concerns of the international community, Ghana would like to urge it to seriously consider the resumption of indirect relations with Cuba. We are convinced that such contacts will yield desired results, especially if they take place in the context of constructive dialogue with the Cuban Government. Another area of concern to the international community has been the lingering disagreements with the great Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. My delegation welcomes the positive events of 5 April 1999, by which the two Libyan nationals arrived in the Netherlands for trial by a Scottish court, in connection with the Lockerbie incident. We therefore can do no less than to reiterate the position of the Group of African States at the United Nations, the Non-Aligned Movement, and the Council of the League of Arab States that, as a matter of urgency, the Security Council should move beyond a mere suspension to a complete lifting of the sanctions imposed against the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, since Libya has cooperated fully and fulfilled all the requirements of the relevant resolutions. 17 No issue in recent memory has frustrated the international community more than the Middle East peace process. Last year, as the world marked the fiftieth anniversary of the forcible dispossession of the Palestinian people of their lands, homes and property, the Wye River Memorandum was agreed, offering a fresh impetus and hope for progress. However, subsequent events — characterized by prevarications, recriminations and bad faith — inhibited full implementation of the Memorandum. Even more painful has been the seeming helplessness of the international community in the face of such obvious injustice. Ghana reiterates its unwavering support for the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to the establishment of an independent sovereign State with Jerusalem as its capital. Happily, recent changes in the political landscape of Israel offer grounds for renewed optimism. We thus share the conviction of the Palestinian leader, Chairman Yasser Arafat, that Mr. Ehud Barak’s victory has raised hopes for peace throughout the region. We commend the bold initiative taken by the Israeli leader, soon after assuming office, to resume dialogue and reach a meeting of minds with the Palestinians. The challenge ahead is enormous but not insurmountable; it will require painful compromises on sensitive issues. We urge all parties to negotiate in good faith towards a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East. Ghana is proud of its participation and record in the peacekeeping efforts of the Organization in all regions of the world. The sacrifices in material resources and the costs in human terms have not been in vain, since the maintenance of peace and security and post-conflict peace- building have been critical in assuring all of us of the global tranquillity necessary for sustained development. My delegation believes therefore that the time has come for the international community to do in Africa as much as it has done in other areas, particularly the Balkans, to guarantee peace. We have seen in the past few months the kind of resources that the world has been willing and able to mobilize in the Balkans on short notice. We do not see the same response to the tragedies of Africa. African Member States feel discriminated against when the response of the international community to conflicts on the continent continues to be muted or lukewarm. Nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction are indispensable for the preservation of world peace. Yet the lack of commitment and political will of the nuclear weapon countries continues to impede the process of nuclear disarmament. This is demonstrated by the failure of the three Preparatory Committee sessions for the 2000 Review Conference for the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Against this background, my delegation reiterates the warning that the parties and non-parties to the NPT alike will not continue indefinitely to abide by the Treaty while the nuclear-weapon countries continue to ignore the calls of the international community to abide by their NPT commitments and pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to the cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament under strict and effective international control. The proliferation of conventional weapons, notably small and light weapons, is equally of concern, since they are the tools of violence and conflict in Africa. My delegation commends all the efforts aimed at securing international cooperation and coordination in the struggle against the accumulation, proliferation and widespread use of small arms. Naturally, we welcome the recent decision taken on small arms and light weapons by the heads of State of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) at their recent summit in Algiers which, among others, called on OAU member States to adopt a coordinated approach to the problems posed by the illicit trafficking, circulation and proliferation of these arms. We also urge all friends of Africa to support the implementation of the moratorium on the import, export and manufacture of small arms and light weapons in West Africa, which aims at stemming the illicit traffic in these weapons in our subregion. My Government, in recognition of the need to address this problem and the related issue of the forced participation of children in armed conflicts, intends to jointly host with the Government of Canada a workshop aimed at building on the Mali moratorium and establishing a framework for keeping children out of conflicts. It is our hope that the support of the international community will be forthcoming when the time comes. We are at the dawn of the new millennium, concluding a period in which the decolonization movement has brought about one of the century’s signal transformations: that of more than 80 nations from colonial status to self-rule and membership of this Organization. This is a commendable achievement. Nevertheless, the goal of the Plan of Action for the International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism has not been realized, since 17 Non-Self-Governing 18 Territories remain on the agenda of this Assembly. We reiterate our continued belief in the right of all peoples to self-determination in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) and call on the administering, occupying or colonial Powers to cooperate with the relevant institutions of the United Nations for the speedy determination of self-rule. While we congratulate the United Nations and ourselves for the commendable record in bringing colonies to self-rule, we cannot hide our deep disappointment at the recent turn of events in East Timor. Since a significant number of States Members of the United Nations are the product of self-determination, our Organization has a moral and political obligation to bring East Timor to self-rule. We call on both the United Nations and the administering Power, therefore, to take all measures necessary to restore peace and tranquility so that the true wishes of the people, as clearly expressed in the recent referendum, can be respected without further delay. If we are concerned about subjugated territories, then we cannot remain silent over the continued plight of Western Sahara. The people of that territory must exercise true self-determination and we believe that, since the Polisario Front and Morocco have accepted the Secretary- General’s programme on implementation of the Settlement Plan for the referendum in the territory, then the promised referendum should be held without further delay. We call on all stakeholders to demonstrate good will and fairness by ensuring a free and fair referendum. The phenomenon of extreme and widespread poverty in the midst of plenty in the world is a serious indictment of the conscience and political will of the international community. Compared to the social situation at the onset of this century, the next century begins with an even bleaker outlook. More and more people are living at or below the poverty line, while individual security and well-being continue to face disruptions from civil conflict and disease. Malnutrition, malaria, AIDS, diarrheal and communicable diseases continue to kill millions of people, stifling the economic potential of large segments of populations. HIV/AIDS alone has killed in the last decade more Africans than have all the conflicts and other diseases. It is a frightening thought that millions of Africa’s young and productive populations will be killed by this pandemic in the next few years. What development and progress are we talking about, then, if we will have no human resource to implement them? The continued deterioration of economic conditions in Africa poses a challenge to all of us, especially as all statistics show that the world’s poor continue to wallow in abject poverty with only a dim hope of improvement in their living standards. One of the main requirements of our current session of the General Assembly is therefore to select for implementation those measures that will enable developing countries to grow out of poverty in a sustainable environment. My delegation continues to be concerned about the deterioration of official development assistance, even though we note with gratitude the decision by three industrialized countries to increase their gross national product allocation to aid, and the steadfastness of Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden, which are providing more than 0.7 per cent of their gross national product. Official development assistance resources need to be increased to levels which, combined with the commitment of developing countries to deepening economic reforms, lead to early achievement of sustainability in growth, poverty reduction and macroeconomic stability. If we must break the cycle of crises, poverty and instability, particularly in Africa, and if we must create the conditions for sustainable debt management on the continent, the creditor countries and institutions must be prepared to wipe out the debts of the countries involved in the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt (HIPC) Initiative and begin the new millennium on a clean slate. In this connection, we note with appreciation the recently announced decision and support of the G-7 countries in broadening, deepening and accelerating the HIPC Initiative. While we express our satisfaction, let me hasten to urge that care be taken to avoid the imposition of additional difficulties on HIPC countries in the process, such as are likely to befall HIPC gold-producing countries if the proposal to sell off some of the gold reserves of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to meet part of the cost of the expanded HIPC Initiative is followed through. Similarly, we pray all creditor countries not to present debt relief in conditionalities that would compel debtor countries to give up the relief option. In these days of globalization and trade liberalization, the developed countries must also open their markets to goods from developing countries, including providing greater access for the latter’s agricultural produce and services. The developed countries must, in addition, implement their trade obligations in the 19 spirit that all must benefit from the trade rules. In this regard, the twin concepts of liberalization and globalization must afford developing countries economic justice in terms of markets and activities. They should not turn developing countries into perpetual consumers because of limited volume of goods and market access. As we approach the next century, we know we cannot build the kind of future we desire without the full participation of women. Although much has been achieved in advancing the status of women through the implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action, a lot still remains to be done. Discrimination, denial and violence against women and girls persist, embedded in cultural, traditional and religious practices around the world, despite the increasing public debate on gender issues. Gender mainstreaming into national, regional and international policies and programmes, as well as the provision of adequate resources for implementation as spelt out in the Beijing Platform for Action, represents one of the crucial strategies for attaining gender equity and equality. But in the final analysis, the critical step in protecting women’s rights is to empower women through education and increased awareness of their rights. In this connection, let me express my delegation’s appreciation for the adoption of an optional protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) which, among others, recognizes the competence of CEDAW to receive and consider communications submitted by or on behalf of individuals or groups of individuals, under the jurisdiction of a State Party, claiming to be victims of a violation of any of the rights set forth in the Convention by the State Party. We are happy that after so many years, women now have an effective instrument in their hands to fight discrimination, and we urge the adoption of the draft optional protocol to the Convention. This year, we also commemorate the tenth anniversary of the adoption by this Assembly of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, by which all Member States pledged to promote and protect the rights of children. Despite the Convention, however, the rights of children continue to be violated through child labour, commercial sex, exploitation, early marriage and the use of children in armed conflicts. This situation indicates that mere ratification of the Convention is not enough. Children would be protected and their rights promoted only by a conscious effort on the part of Governments to effectively implement the provisions of the Convention. The United Nations and other international organizations are justifiably preoccupied with governance because it is the basis of all progress. The United Nations must therefore play a fundamental and central role in the re-design of global governance and in global governance itself. It cannot do so, however, when it is constantly requested to do more for all people while it is being given less and less resources. It will certainly lack the institutional framework for global leadership when national leaders fail to stand up for it or its enduring values. Given the onerous responsibilities of the Organization and the expectations of the Member States, the timely, full and unconditional payment of assessed contributions would be an expression of our commitment and support as the Organization prepares to meet the emerging challenges of the twenty-first century. In this connection, it is our firm conviction that the regular and peacekeeping budgets of the Organization should be determined solely by the General Assembly in accordance with each country’s ability to pay, among other factors, as objectively evaluated within the Organization. Unilateral decisions that worsen the financial situation of the United Nations must be avoided. We have an opportunity to draw lessons from our immediate past history and to shape a new millennium in our best image, just as the great statesmen of this century did in the aftermath of the Second World War. We would not be true to ourselves if we sought refuge in half measures. We must use our best endeavours to build a new world for a new millennium we can be proud of. Our collective wisdom demands this. Our civilized values insist on this. We can do no less.